Timeline of Fabianism
This is a timeline of Fabianism, a political ideology and movement that originated in Britain in the late 19th century. Named after the Roman general Fabius Maximus, known for his cautious and gradual military tactics, Fabianism advocates for achieving socialist objectives through evolutionary and gradual means rather than through revolutionary upheaval. The Fabian Society, founded in 1884, is a prominent organization associated with this ideology. Fabians believe in using democratic processes and reforms to advance social justice, economic equality, and public welfare. They emphasize the importance of incremental change, intellectual analysis, and pragmatism in achieving socialist goals within existing political structures.
Contents
Sample questions
The following are some interesting questions that can be answered by reading this timeline:
- What were key historical events and intellectual debates leading up to the founding of the Fabian Society?
- Sort the full timeline by "Event type" and look for the group of rows with value "Prelude".
- You will receive a summary of key historical events and intellectual developments that influenced the Fabian Society's founding. This includes influences from Roman strategy, John Stuart Mill’s economic ideas, Positivist philosophy, and early socialist groups, highlighting the gradual progression of socialist thought leading to the society's creation.
- How did the Fabian Society interact with other socialist and political groups, and how did these interactions shape its direction?
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- You will see events providing context on the socialist movements and political landscape that influenced the Fabian Society. These might include the influence of predecessor groups, the broader socialist environment in Britain, the challenges faced in early electoral politics, and the strategic decisions that led the Fabians to focus on gradual reforms, public education, and policy influence rather than radical approaches. These events highlight how these factors shaped the evolution and impact of Fabianism.
- Who were some of the most notable members of the Fabian Society, and what were their contributions to the organization?
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- You will receive an overview of key members of the Fabian Society, highlighting their contributions and roles within the organization. You will see information on individuals like George Bernard Shaw, Sidney Webb, H.G. Wells, and others, explaining how their involvement shaped the Society's policies, strategies, and influence on socialist movements.
- What are some noteworthy publications by the Fabian movement?
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- You will receive a list of key Fabian Society publications from the 1880s, including notable pamphlets, essays, and books. You will see contributions from prominent Fabian members, such as George Bernard Shaw, Sidney Webb, and Annie Besant, whose writings shaped British political discourse and influenced progressive social policies.
- What were the major campaigns and advocacy efforts led by the Fabian Society?
- Sort the full timeline by "Event type" and look for the group of rows with value "Advocacy".
- You will receive a chronological list of advocacy events led by the Fabian Society. Key efforts include advocating for minimum wage, universal healthcare, and influencing political strategy within the Labour Party, while maintaining a patient, strategic approach to social change.
- How did the Fabian Society's theoretical framework evolved over time?
- Sort the full timeline by "Event type" and look for the group of rows with value "Theoretical development".
- You will receive a summary of significant theoretical developments within the Fabian Society, including key milestones and contributions from influential figures. This covers events such as Henry George's lecture in 1884, the adoption of "The Basis of the Society" in 1887, George Bernard Shaw's theory of rent in 1895, G.D.H. Cole's advocacy for guild socialism in 1917, and Bernard Crick's political theory in the 1960s. The summary provides insights into how these developments shaped the Fabian Society's ideology and its impact on socialist thought.
- How did the Fabian Society’s political strategy evolve over time?
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- You will receive an overview of the Fabian Society's policies and actions across different historical periods. This includes their early strategies, policy initiatives, key publications, shifts in focus, and impact on socialist thought and political dynamics.
- What were some notable Fabian conferences, and how did their discussions and resolutions influenced policy development?
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- You will receive a summary highlighting important Fabian Society conferences, detailing the main discussions and resolutions, and how these conferences influenced policy development and shaped the Society’s approach to social reform and socialist principles.
- What were the turning points that led to declines in influence for the Fabian Society?
- Sort the full timeline by "Event type" and look for the group of rows with value "Crisis".
- You will see a summary of key crises faced by the Fabian Society, including their failed strategy with the Liberal Party in 1895, the decline of provincial branches by 1900, reduced influence by 1910, competition from Guild Socialism in 1915, and internal challenges after Shirley Williams' departure in 1979.
- What are some significant criticisms of Fabianism throughout its history?
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- You will receive a summary of key criticisms leveled against Fabianism, detailing how the Fabian Society was criticized for its stance on war, its approach to socialism, and its involvement in controversial policies like eugenics. You will also see critiques of the Society's perceived elitism, disconnect from grassroots movements, and its influence on British socialism.
- How did the membership of the Fabian Society change over time, particularly during periods of significant social or political developments?
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- You will get a detailed timeline of the Fabian Society’s membership changes, highlighting key growth periods, their impact, and how they relate to historical events and the organization’s influence.
Other events are described under the following types: "Evolution", "Fabian Society founding", "Internal division", "Internal strategy", "International collaboration", "Lecture", "Opposition", "Organizational growth", "Partnership", "Reorganization".
Big picture
Time period | Development summary | More details |
---|---|---|
1884 - early 1900s | Founding and early development | The Fabian Society is established in London in 1884, with early key figures advocating for socialism through gradual reform rather than revolution. The founding members reject Marxist doctrine, opting for a more measured approach to achieving socialism. They aim to influence existing political structures by promoting their ideas within the Liberal Party and supporting municipal ownership of utilities. This strategy, known as “permeation,” focuses on gradually integrating socialist principles into mainstream politics.[1][2][3] |
Early 1900s - 1930s | Expansion and influence | During this period, the Fabians expand their influence by targeting collectivist liberal politicians and radical activists to promote socialist ideas. Sidney Webb and George Bernard Shaw pursue different strategies—Webb seeks to influence the Liberal Party, while Shaw aims to create a new socialist party. The early emphasis on pragmatic approaches and specific economic theories evolve into a more coherent socialist or social-democratic framework. The society's influence extends into public policy areas such as industry control and social welfare.[1] |
1930s - 1950s | Revival and reformation | The New Fabian Research Bureau (NFRB), established in 1931, revitalizes Fabianism with a focus on social-democratic ideas. The NFRB merges with the Fabian Society in 1938, integrating new perspectives while retaining core principles. This period sees debates over integrating Marxism into Fabianism, with figures like Richard Crossman criticizing such efforts and advocating for a more flexible approach. The revival emphasizes policy influence and adapting socialist theory to contemporary challenges.[1] |
1960s - present | Modern era and ongoing influence | In the latter 20th and early 21st centuries, the Fabian Society continues to shape British politics by advocating gradual reform and progressive policies. Despite shifts in theoretical focus, the society maintains its commitment to influencing public policy and addressing social issues. By positioning itself as a think tank for moderate socialists, the Fabian Society seeks to define progressive politics from the center-left, adapting to evolving political contexts while upholding its core principles.[1] |
Full timeline
Inclusion criteria
We include:
- Mostly information on the Fabian Society, the birthplace of the movement and after which the term "Fabianism" was coined.
- Notable early members of the Fabian Society.
- Crucial activities by early members.
We do not include:
- The complete list of Chairmans of the Fabian Society.
- The comprehensive list of publications. See List of Fabian Tracts (1884–1915).
- Comprehensive details on Fabian Societies other than the original.
Timeline
Year | Event type | Details |
---|---|---|
280–203 BC | Prelude | Roman general and statesman Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus lives during this period. Known for his strategic military tactics, particularly his method of avoiding direct confrontation and engaging in a war of attrition, his approach is instrumental in the Roman victory over Hannibal during the Second Punic War. The Fabian Society, established in 1884, would adopt his name to symbolize their own strategic approach to social and political reform—emphasizing gradual, incremental change rather than radical upheaval. The society’s name would reflect their commitment to achieving social progress through careful, strategic planning and persistent effort.[1] |
1848 | Prelude (publication) | John Stuart Mill publishes Principles of Political Economy, a foundational text in economics, which explores production, labor, and capital. Mill critiques and synthesizes classical economic theories while addressing social issues. He discusses the benefits of trade, the role of government, and critiques systems like communism and socialism. Mill’s work emphasizes moral considerations in economics, advocating for progressive policies. The book establishes Mill as a leading intellectual and garners respect from the working class for his sympathetic views on socialism. The Fabians, emerging later in the 19th century, would adopt Mill's principles to support gradual social reforms and the establishment of a welfare state, shaping modern social democracy.[4][5] |
1859 | Prelude (publication) | John Stuart Mill publishes his essay On Liberty, which applies his utilitarian ethical system to society and state. Mill sets standards for the relationship between authority and liberty, emphasizing individuality as essential for achieving higher pleasures—the ultimate goal of utilitarianism. He warns against the tyranny of the majority in democratic societies and proposes three basic individual liberties, three legitimate objections to government intervention, and two maxims regarding individual-society relations. This publication shapes the basic tenets of Fabian socialism.[4] |
1882 (September) | Prelude (policy) | Trade Union Congress (TUC) passes a resolution on the administration of the Poor Law, which provides relief to the destitute. This resolution sparks concerns about the rise of socialism, as it suggests more progressive and interventionist approaches to social welfare. The resolution's call for reforms aligns with emerging socialist ideas that advocate for greater state responsibility in addressing poverty and inequality. This event highlights growing support for social reform and influences the Fabian Society's development.[2] |
1883 (January) | Prelude (philosophical debate) | The Spectator, a prominent British weekly news magazine, explores the rising interest in Positivism, a philosophy developed by Auguste Comte that emphasizes empirical science as the basis for knowledge and dismisses metaphysics and theology. This discussion shortly preludes the founding of the Fabian Society, which would advocate for gradual social reforms using scientific and rational approaches. The Spectator's focus on Positivism reflects a broader intellectual shift towards rationalism and empiricism, which influences the Fabian Society's strategies for addressing social issues through planned and evidence-based interventions, aligning with Positivist principles.[2] |
1883 (April) | Prelude (philosophical debate) | Belgian economist Émile Louis Victor de Laveleye voices his concerns about the 'Progress of Socialism.' De Laveleye, a noted liberal economist, observes the growing influence of socialist ideas across Europe, including the rise of organizations like the Fabian Society in Britain. He warns that the increasing acceptance of socialist principles, such as state intervention and wealth redistribution, threatens traditional liberal economic policies based on free markets and individual freedoms. His alarm highlights the ideological battle of the time, as socialism gains traction among those seeking to address social and economic inequalities through more collective and governmental means.[2] |
1883 | Prelude | Edith Nesbit and Hubert Bland join a socialist debating group that would eventually evolve into the Fabian Society, a prominent middle-class socialist organization. Alongside Edward Pease, Bland would play a significant role in shaping the early activities of the Society. He would serve as co-editor of The Fabian News, the Society's monthly journal, which disseminates socialist ideas and strategies to a broader audience.[6][4] |
1883 (May) | Prelude (publication) | Mr. Samuel Smith, M.P., publishes an article titled Social Reform in the Nineteenth Century magazine. In this piece, he addresses growing concerns about the rise of communism and socialism in Britain. Smith critiques these movements and advocates for moderate social reforms as a means to address social and economic inequalities without resorting to revolutionary changes. His writing reflects the broader public debate at the time about the best approach to improving society, and it highlights the ideological tensions that would later influence the formation and strategies of groups like the Fabian Society.[2] |
1883 (October 24) | Prelude (founding activities) | Members of the Davidsonian circle, followers of Thomas Davidson, gather at the home of Edward Pease, a founding member of the Fabian Society. During this meeting, Davidson presents his recent paper titled The New Life, which outlines his vision for social reform. The discussion focuses on the possibility of establishing a communistic society based on the ideas presented in Davidson's paper. Due to the extensive nature of the discussion, the members agree to reconvene to further explore and develop these ideas. This initial meeting lays the groundwork for what would eventually become the Fabian Society, marking the beginning of its journey towards promoting socialist principles.[7] |
1883 (November 23) | Prelude (founding activities) | The group that had initially met under the Davidsonian circle begin meeting, formally reconstituing as the Fabian Society by their third meeting. They establish a routine of meeting fortnightly on Fridays at the home of Edward Pease, located at 17 Osnaburgh Street, London.[7] |
1883 (December 7) | Prelude (founding activities) | Rifts begin to form within the group as some members seek to distinguish themselves as Fellowship of the New Life, inspired by the followers of Thomas Davidson. This meeting, held near Regent's Park, focuses on defining their objectives, principles, and fellowship in terms of achieving perfect character, transforming material concerns into spiritual ones, and adhering to a commitment to objective principles. They propose that alleviating widespread suffering should be a primary goal of their group. However, disagreements emerge, and the group struggle to reach a consensus. They decide to reconvene to continue their discussions and work through the differences.[7][8] |
1884 (January 4) | Fabian Society founding | The Fabian Society is established at 17 Osnaburgh Street. Emerging as a splinter group from the Fellowship of the New Life, the Fabian Society prioritizes social reform over moral regeneration, aiming to reconstruct British society through gradual, non-revolutionary means. The Society emphasizes general welfare and happiness, advocating for social justice and progressive improvement through education, public policy, and incremental legislative reforms, rather than immediate and violent overthrow of the existing social order.[9][4][8][1][3] Its nine founding members are Frank Podmore, Edward R. Pease, William Clarke, Hubert Bland,[10] Percival Chubb, Frederick Keddell,[11] H. H. Champion,[2] Edith Nesbit,[12] and Rosamund Dale Owen.[11][10] |
1884 (January 25th) | Theoretical development | Reports emerge detailing a lecture by the influential economist and social reformer Henry George, as well as a conference held by the Democratic Federation. Henry George, known for his advocacy of land reform and his book Progress and Poverty, addresses issues related to economic inequality and the distribution of wealth, themes that resonate strongly with emerging socialist movements. The Democratic Federation Conference, which is part of the first organized socialist political group in Britain, discusses strategies for advancing socialist policies. These reports highlight the growing interest in socialist ideas and the increasing organization of socialist groups, which would later influence the activities of the Fabian Society.[2] |
1884 (January) | Publication | The second edition of Samuel Smith's Reply to the Democratic Federation's manifesto is published. Samuel Smith, a prominent Fabian and supporter of gradual socialism, uses this response to counter the more radical proposals of the Democratic Federation. This edition of Smith's work further clarifies the differences between Fabian socialism and other socialist ideologies of the time, contributing to the shaping of the Fabians' distinctive approach to social reform.[2] |
1884 (February 29) | Advocacy | The Fabian Society introduces its famous motto, "For the right moment you must wait, as Fabius did most patiently, when warring against Hannibal, though many censured his delays; but when the time comes you must strike hard, as Fabius did, or your waiting will be in vain and fruitless." This motto, unveiled during a meeting, encapsulates the Society's strategy of advocating for socialism through careful, patient planning and timely, decisive action. It emphasizes the importance of strategic thinking and gradual reform, mirroring the tactics of the Roman general Fabius Maximus, who was known for his cautious yet effective approach to warfare.[2] |
1884 (February 29) | Advocacy | The Fabian Society passes a motion expressing its support for the Democratic Federation, the first organized socialist political group in Britain. The Democratic Federation, which later becomes the Social Democratic Federation (SDF), focuses on advancing socialist principles and advocating for workers' rights and economic reforms. The Fabians' endorsement highlights their alignment with broader socialist movements, even as they maintain a distinctive approach focused on gradual reform rather than revolutionary change. This motion marks an important step in building alliances within the socialist movement and reinforces the Fabians' commitment to promoting social justice and economic equality through collective action.[2] |
1884 (March 21) | Advocacy | The word "Socialism" first appears in the Fabian Society's records during a meeting where Miss Caroline Haddon presents a paper titled The Two Socialisms. This presentation introduces and formally incorporates the term "Socialism" into the discourse. Haddon's paper explores different interpretations and approaches to socialism, contributing to the society's evolving understanding and articulation of its own socialist principles and goals. The use of the term signifies a deepening engagement with socialist ideology and a commitment to defining and promoting its vision for social reform.[2] |
1884 (April 4) | Publication | The Fabian Society's Pamphlet Committee reports on its progress, leading to the decision to print 2,000 copies of "Fabian Tract N°1," titled Why are the Many Poor? This tract is the society's first published work, aimed at addressing the pressing issue of poverty in Britain. It seeks to explain the economic and social factors contributing to widespread poverty, offering a critique of the existing capitalist system. The distribution of this pamphlet marks the beginning of the Fabian Society's efforts to educate the public and advocate for gradual socialist reforms through well-reasoned arguments and dissemination of information.[2] |
1884 (May 16) | Publication | Rowland Estcourt presents a paper titled The Figures of Mr. Mallock to the Fabian Society. Estcourt's paper likely critiques the ideas of William Hurrell Mallock, a conservative writer known for his opposition to socialism. The discussion surrounding this paper provided a platform for intellectual debate within the society, reflecting the Fabians' commitment to engaging with and challenging opposing viewpoints.[2] |
1884 (September 5) | Notable member | George Bernard Shaw contributes the second Fabian Tract, titled A Manifesto, which presents opinions, later known as 'principles of Fabianism'. Shaw argues that land and capital have created a divide, where the impoverished face hunger while the affluent enjoy excess. Shaw advocates for the nationalization of land as a public duty and criticizes capitalism for stifling innovation and fair distribution of wealth. He contends that competition leads to unethical practices and emphasizes the need for a direct tax system to fund public revenue. Additionally, he argues for state intervention in providing secure homes for children, equal political rights for all genders, and free, liberal education. He challenges the legitimacy of the established government, asserting that it lacks the authority to represent the true interests of the state.[13][7][14][15] |
1884 (September 19) | Publication | George Bernard Shaw's first contribution to the Fabian Society, Pamphlet N°2 titled A Manifesto, is read, signaling a shift in the Society's intellectual outlook. The pamphlet emphasizes the societal divide caused by land and capital, advocating for land nationalization as a public duty. Shaw criticizes capitalism for stifling innovation and promoting unethical practices. The manifesto calls for direct taxation, state competition in child welfare, equal political rights for women, free education, and challenged the legitimacy of the established government, likening it to the smoke of London claiming to be the weather.[4][2] |
1884 (end of the year) | Publication | English writer, politician and socialist Henry Hyndman publishes The Historical Basis Of Socialism In England, which offers a comprehensive exploration of socialism's origins and evolution in England. From early figures like Robert Owen and William Morris to the rise of the working-class movement and the role of trade unions, Hyndman delves into the political and economic factors driving socialism's growth. He argues that socialism emerged as a response to the inequalities of industrial capitalism. Both Fabianism and the broader socialist movement in England are influenced by similar social and economic conditions, such as the exploitation of workers, which may have led to some overlap in their ideologies and goals.[16] |
1884–1886 | Membership expansion | During this period, the membership of the Fabian Society steadily increases, from 31 to 116. This period marks the society's evolution from a small intellectual group into a more influential force within British socialism. The society's appeal lays in its commitment to gradual, democratic reform rather than revolutionary change, which attracts a diverse group of intellectuals, writers, and activists. Key figures like George Bernard Shaw and Sidney Webb would join during this time, contributing to the society's burgeoning reputation.[4] |
1885 (January 2) | Notable member | Election of Mrs. Annie Besant and Frank Podmore to the Executive. In 1890, Besant would sever her connection with the Society, influenced by her conversion to Theosophy, marking the end of her contributions to the Socialist movement.[2] |
1885 (January 28–30) | Conference | The Fabian Society holds its first conference at Prince's Hall, a significant event facilitated by a generous donation of £1000. The three-day conference addresses key issues through daily themes: evaluating whether capitalists are disproportionately benefiting from industry, discussing the society's resolutions, and exploring methods of distribution to maximize public benefit. The conference concludes with a notable speech by George Bernard Shaw, who draws a provocative comparison between burglars and landowners or shareholders, highlighting the perceived injustices of property and capital accumulation. Shaw's speech leaves a strong impression on the attendees and underscores the society's commitment to challenging existing economic structures.[2][7] |
1885 (March 21) | Notable member | George Bernard Shaw is elected to the Executive Committee of the Fabian Society. This marks a significant moment in the Society's history, as Shaw would become one of its most influential members. His election to the Executive allows him to play a central role in shaping the Society's policies and strategies. Shaw's involvement in the Fabian Society contributes to the development and dissemination of socialist ideas in Britain, particularly through his advocacy for gradual social reform and his contributions to Fabian literature and debates.[2] |
1885 (April) | Notable member | Bernard Shaw, newly elected to the Fabian Society's Executive Committee, delivers a series of lectures at the Liberal and Social Union. His talks focuses on key issues such as land nationalization, the political situation in Ireland, and the economic theories of Henry George, an American economist known for his advocacy of a single land tax. Shaw's lectures aim to promote the Fabian Society's views on social reform, emphasizing the importance of public ownership of land and addressing the pressing concerns of Irish independence. By engaging with George's ideas and discussing Irish affairs, Shaw seeks to align the Fabian agenda with broader progressive movements, helping to spread socialist ideas within the Liberal Party and beyond.[2] |
1885 (May) | Notable member | George Bernard Shaw invites two young Colonial Office clerks, Sidney Webb and Sydney Olivier to join the Society. Some other early notable members include Beatrice Potter (later Webb), Edward Carpenter, Eleanor Marx (Karl Marx's eldest daughter), Annie Besant, Graham Wallas, and briefly, Herbert George Wells (from 1903 to 1908).[4] |
1885 (June 5) | Resolution | George Bernard Shaw publishes the Fabian Society's third tract, titled To Provident Landlords and Capitalists: A Suggestion and a Warning, a four-page pamphlet addressing issues of land ownership and economic disparity. The Fabian Society adopts the tract recommending support for schemes that are favorable to landlords, reflecting a pragmatic approach to addressing economic issues. This decision aims to navigate the complexities of property ownership and reform in a way that would align with broader economic and social goals. At the same meeting, the Society also adopts a resolution cautioning against the influence of radical workmen who might misinterpret or oppose the tract’s recommendations. This resolution highlights the Fabians' strategic approach to balancing their socialist principles with practical considerations, ensuring that their proposals would be effective and not alienate potential allies or undermine broader reform efforts.[2] |
1885 | Publication | Sidney Webb publishes The Economic Function of the Middle Class, critiquing prevailing views on the middle class as parasitic and arguing for their essential role in economic stability and social progress. This work challenges conventional economic thinking and sets the stage for Webb's future contributions to social reform.[17] |
1885 (November) | Background | The Democratic Federation, a socialist political organization in Britain, rebrands itself as the Social Democratic Federation (S.D.F.). This change signifies a shift towards a more explicit commitment to socialist principles and the promotion of social democracy. The S.D.F. aims to represent the working class and advocates for comprehensive social and economic reforms, including public ownership of key industries and the implementation of welfare measures. This rebranding influences the broader socialist movement in the United Kingdom, including the Fabian Society.[2] |
1885 | Background | The Social Democratic Federation (S.D.F.) faces disappointing results in the general election, as its three candidates receive minimal support. This outcome starkly contrasts with the substantial participation in socialist and Radical demonstrations earlier that year. George Bernard Shaw notes that most workers align more closely with Radicalism—a movement advocating for broad social and political reforms—than with socialism, which focuses on collective ownership of production. Radicalism encompasses diverse issues like civil rights and social justice, seeking immediate change without necessarily advocating for complete economic restructuring, while socialism aims for systemic economic equality and communal ownership.[18] |
1886 (January) | Publication | The Fabian Society approves the publication of What Socialism Is, a pamphlet that outlines the principles and goals of socialism according to the Fabian perspective. This publication aims to educate the public and advocate for gradual and democratic reforms towards a socialist society. It represents a foundational moment for the Fabian Society's influence on socialist thought and public policy in the United Kingdom.[2] |
1885 (May) | Notable member | Sidney Webb joins the Fabian Society. Webb finds himself at odds with the dominant ideology within the Society, opposing both the anarchism of some members and the extreme Radicalism of others. Although he is not a proponent of land nationalization, Webb chooses to join the Society as he considers nationalization a non-essential belief.[18] |
1886 (May 16) | Publication | Sidney Webb makes his first contribution to the Fabian Society with his essay titled The Government Organisation of Unemployed Labour. This work marks Webb's formal entry into the Society's intellectual activities and showcases his focus on practical solutions for social issues. In the essay, Webb examines how government intervention can effectively address unemployment, proposing organized approaches to manage and alleviate labor market challenges. His contribution highlights his expertise in public administration and social reform, and it sets the stage for his influential role within the Fabian Society.[2] |
1886 (June 9-11) | Conference | The Fabian Conference of 1886, held from June 9 to 11 at South Place Chapel, marks the second major gathering of the Fabian Society. The conference focuses on updating attendees about the society's efforts to address unemployment, reflecting its ongoing commitment to practical solutions for social issues. The society continues to distinguish itself from more radical socialist groups by advocating for gradual reform rather than immediate revolution. A notable development at this conference is the presentation of a scientific perspective by Sydney Olivier, who had joined the society in 1885. This new perspective demonstrates the society's growing intellectual depth and influence, signaling its transition from a small, obscure group to a more prominent and respected organization.[2][7] |
1886 (June 19) | Notable member | Sydney Olivier assumes the role of Secretary of the Fabian Society during a meeting held at 94 Cornwall Gardens. This appointment marks a significant moment in the Society's leadership, with Olivier taking on a key administrative role. As Secretary, he is responsible for managing the Society's operations and communications, contributing to its organizational growth and effectiveness.[2][19] |
1886 (June) | Membership expansion | By this time, the Fabian Society has grown to include approximately 20 founders and around 67 members. This early expansion demonstrates the society's ability to attract individuals interested in promoting its vision of gradual social reform and socialism. The increase in membership, though modest, signals a growing recognition of the Fabian Society as a key player in the intellectual and political debates of the time. The society's focus on influencing public policy through education and advocacy begins to resonate with a broader audience, laying the groundwork for its future development and influence.[2] |
1886 (July) | Conference | The Fabian Society holds a conference, known as the Fabian Conference of 1886. This gathering provides a platform for members to discuss and debate various aspects of society, including the application of Fabian principles to social and political issues. The conference serves as an opportunity to refine the Society's strategies and articulate its vision for gradual social reform.[2] |
1886 (September 17) | Organization | A pivotal meeting at Anderton's Hotel leads to the formation of the Fabian Parliamentary League, aimed at influencing parliamentary activities and advancing the Society's socialist ideals within the UK's legislative framework. During this meeting, socialist and Fabian Society member Annie Besant proposes organizing socialists as a political party to control the means of production and distribution. Her proposal, which passes with 47 votes in favor, marks a significant step towards formalizing the political ambitions of the socialist movement in Britain.[2][18] |
1886 | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes the third Tract, titled What Socialism Is, a 12-page pamphlet authored by Mrs. C.M. Wilson and others. The pamphlet aims to clarify the principles of socialism, presenting it as a system advocating for the collective ownership of the means of production and the equitable distribution of wealth.[2] |
1886 (late year) | Internal strategy | The Fabian Society commits itself to a strategy of fielding independent candidates in local elections and working towards the formation of a new party in Parliament. This strategy aligns with the views of early Fabians, who seek to unite Radicals with socialists.[18] |
1887 (January) | Publication | Sidney Webb publishes Tract No. 5, titled Facts for Socialists, a 16-page pamphlet presenting a statistical analysis of the vast economic disparities between the working class and the wealthy elite in late 19th-century Britain. The text becomes a significant tool in promoting socialist ideas. The tract compiles quotes and data from political economists and statisticians to provide empirical evidence supporting socialist arguments. By grounding their advocacy in facts and authoritative sources, the Fabians aim to appeal to a broader audience, particularly those skeptical of socialism's theoretical underpinnings. [2] |
1887 (February) | Organization | The Fabian Society officially forms the Fabian Parliamentary League, an organization focused on promoting socialist principles within the British Parliament. The League adopts a policy of "possibilism," which emphasizes achieving practical and immediate reforms through legislative means, rather than pursuing more radical or revolutionary goals. This approach aligns with the Fabian Society's broader strategy of gradualism, seeking to implement socialism incrementally through the existing political system. The formation of the Fabian Parliamentary League marks an important step in the Society's efforts to influence policy and gain political traction for its ideas within mainstream politics.[2] |
1887 (June 3) | Theoretical development | The Fabian Society takes a significant step in its organizational development by adopting "The Basis of the Society" during a meeting. This foundational document outlines the society's core principles and objectives, guiding its activities and ideological direction. However, the historical record of this meeting would remain incomplete, leaving some details about the discussions and decisions that took place unclear. Despite the gaps in the documentation, the adoption of "The Basis" marks a crucial moment in solidifying the society's identity and providing a framework for its future endeavors in advocating for gradual social and economic reforms.[2] |
1887 | Publication | George Bernard Shaw publishes The True Radical Programme, a 12-page pamphlet published by the Fabian Parliamentary League. This tract lays out Shaw’s vision for a progressive political agenda aimed at reforming British society through parliamentary action. Shaw advocates for a platform of radical reforms, including the nationalization of land, income redistribution, improved working conditions, and expanded social services. The pamphlet seeks to influence the political discourse by offering a practical program for the burgeoning socialist and labor movements.[2] |
1887 | Evolution | By this time, the Fabian Society has developed a constitutionally grounded outlook, distinguishing itself within the broader socialist movement. While the society is primarily focused on promoting collectivism—advocating for state ownership and control of key industries—it also engages with other socialist ideas, including anarchism, which emphasizes the abolition of the state and decentralized, voluntary cooperation. This period marks the Fabian Society's commitment to a gradualist approach to socialism, favoring constitutional and legislative reforms over revolutionary methods. The society's willingness to consider a range of socialist ideologies within an international context reflects its intellectual diversity and adaptability in shaping its strategies for social change.[2] |
1887 | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes its program, The Basis, which outlines its approach to achieving social reforms through the use of existing institutions and parliamentary machinery. The program advocates for the elimination of privately owned land and the establishment of community ownership of production means, using democratic government control, municipalization, and nationalization as key instruments. The Fabians reject the Marxian theory of class struggle and believe in a non-violent transition from capitalism to socialism. Additionally, the first rules or 'basis' of the Fabians emphasize promoting socialism through widespread dissemination of knowledge about the economic, ethical, and political relationships between individuals and society.[4][20] |
1887 (November 8-13) | Background | The prohibition of public demonstrations in Trafalgar Square by the police sparks significant unrest among socialists and Radicals. The ban is seen as an infringement on the right to free speech, leading to the organization of a large protest on November 13, a day that becomes known as Bloody Sunday. Four columns of demonstrators, including many from the East End led by Besant and Shaw, attempt to march to Trafalgar Square in defiance of the ban. The police respond with a violent crackdown, dispersing the crowds with baton charges. The day's events result in numerous arrests, including those of prominent socialists, and one death from injuries sustained during the protest. The brutality of Bloody Sunday forces Shaw to reevaluate his political tactics, leading him to advocate for a more strategic approach focused on permeating local Liberal organizations to gradually convert Radicals to socialism, rather than relying on confrontational street protests.[18] |
1887 | Publication | Sidney Webb authors The Eight Hour Day for the Fabian Society, a publication that argues for the abolition of laissez-faire economics and emphasizes the need for an active governmental role in economic affairs. Webb advocates for the implementation of an eight-hour workday as part of broader social reforms aimed at improving workers' conditions. Rejecting the Marxist notion that revolution is necessary for social change, Webb instead champions gradual, legislative reforms as the path to achieving socialism.[8] |
1887 (year round) | Notable member | Throughout the year, George Bernard Shaw delivers 66 public lectures, promoting socialism in various venues, including workmen's clubs and secular societies in London. These lectures are part of a broader effort to engage with Radicals and secularists, with the goal of building a coalition that could challenge the Liberal Party's dominance. Shaw’s activities during this period are focused on raising awareness and support for socialist ideas among the working class.[18] |
1887 (year round) | Internal division | Two main political viewpoints emerge within the Fabian Society: one group, led by Sidney Webb and Graham Wallas, advocates for working through the Liberal Party to introduce socialism gradually; the other group, including members like Shaw and Besant, seeks to build a new party by luring Radicals away from the Liberals.[18] |
1888 (April) | Reorganization | The Fabian Society undergoes a significant reorganization, with the Executive Committee being re-elected and the introduction of new members. This reshuffling marks a strategic shift within the society, reflecting its evolving priorities and expanding influence. During this reorganization, the Parliamentary League, which has been focused on influencing parliamentary activities, is transformed into the Political Committee. This change signals a more structured and targeted approach to the society’s political engagement, allowing the Fabians to better coordinate their efforts in promoting socialist policies and influencing legislative processes within the broader political landscape.[2] |
1888 (April) | Publication | The Fabian Society approves the publication of Tract N°7, titled "Capital and Land," authored by Sydney Olivier, a key member of the society. This tract addresses the relationship between capital and land ownership, critiquing the economic inequalities inherent in the private ownership of land. Capital and Land" would become an important part of the Society's educational efforts, aiming to inform the public and influence policymakers on the need for economic reforms that would reduce disparities in wealth and power.[2] |
1888 | Notable member | Sidney Webb delivers a lecture on Rome, emphasizing the moral duty of individuals to contribute to the welfare of the community and the state. His ideas on civic responsibility and communal solidarity lay the groundwork for his later advocacy of collective action and social justice.[17] |
1888 | Publication | Sidney Webb privately prints a paper titled Wanted a Programme: An Appeal to the Liberal Party. This paper constitutes a strategic effort to influence the Liberal Party by advocating for the adoption of a clear and progressive policy agenda. Webb’s appeal calls for the establishment of a comprehensive program that would address social and economic reforms. His efforts contributes to the eventual adoption of the Newcastle Program in 1891, a significant milestone for the Liberal Party that reflects many of the ideas promoted by the Fabian Society.[2] |
1888 | Notable member | Sidney Webb formally adopts collectivism around this time. Webb’s shift is driven not by economic theory but by his belief in the efficient organization of society as informed by empirical sociology. Webb argues that socialism could be realized through rational argument, appealing to the intelligence of a policy-making elite. He envisions the Fabian Society as an intellectual advisory group that would guide political leaders, particularly within the Liberal Party, towards socialist policies. Webb’s approach focuses on permeation—working within existing political structures rather than advocating for a new party—contrasting with Shaw’s earlier call for a distinct socialist identity.[18] |
1888 (late year) | Influence | The Fabian Society, despite its internal divisions over national politics, finds common ground in its approach to local government in London. The creation of the London County Council (L.C.C.) under the Local Government Act of 1888 provides an opportunity for the Society to influence municipal governance. The Fabians, led by figures like Webb and Wallas, agree to support the Progressive faction within the L.C.C., which includes both socialists and Radicals. The Progressives advocate for reforms such as an eight-hour workday for council employees and fair wages clauses in council contracts. The Fabians' strategy for London involves working closely with the Progressives to promote these and other reforms, with the aim of gradually introducing socialist policies at the local level. This local strategy is seen as a practical way to achieve social change while avoiding the contentious issue of forming a new national party.[18] |
1888 (year round) | Advocacy | The internal debate within the Fabian Society over national politics continues, with Sidney Webb increasingly focusing on direct engagement with the Liberal elite. Webb believes that the best way to advance socialist ideas is by influencing Liberal politicians through local Liberal Associations. He advocates for a strategy of "permeation," where socialists work within these associations to push for progressive policies. At the same time, George Bernard Shaw also adopts the tactic of permeation but with a different objective: to pull Radicals away from the Liberal Party and towards the creation of a new, independent socialist party. This period sees a growing tension between those in the Fabian Society who seek to work through the existing political system and those who are eager to establish a new political movement.[18] |
1889 (January 1) | Publication | The publication of Fabian Essays in Socialism, edited by George Bernard Shaw, marks a pivotal moment as eight influential Fabians articulate the ideology and program of the Society, shaping its core principles and objectives. The text contains essays by George Bernard Shaw, Graham Walls, Sidney Webb, Sydney Olivier and Annie Besant.[9] The authors deal almost wholly with English conditions and problems. The tract would sell 46,000 copies prior to World War One and would become the blueprint for socialist legislation. It would also be published in the USA and other countries and translated into several languages.[4][21] |
1889 (April) | Publication | The Fabian Society makes a key decision to publish a series of lectures scheduled for the autumn, marking the initial steps in the preparation of the influential "Fabian Essays." These essays, written by leading members of the society, are designed to articulate and promote the society's vision of socialism. The decision to publish the lectures reflects the Fabians' strategy of using education and literature to disseminate their ideas and influence public discourse. The resulting "Fabian Essays" would later become a foundational text for British socialism, significantly shaping the intellectual landscape of the movement.[2] |
1889 | Publication | Sidney Webb publishes Facts for Londoners (Tract N°8), a comprehensive 56-page pamphlet that compiles statistical data and insights about social, economic, and living conditions in London, and includes suggestions for reform based on socialist principles. It aims to highlight the city's issues and advocate for gradual, democratic reforms to improve living conditions and address inequalities, reflecting the Fabian Society's commitment to using empirical evidence to support social change.[8] |
1889 (April) | Notable member | The Essayists, a prominent group within the Fabian Society, are re-elected to the Executive Committee, reinforcing their influential roles in shaping the Society's direction. Sydney Olivier is appointed Honorary Secretary, further cementing his involvement. That same month, Olivier also becomes the Society's first historian, tasked with documenting its origins and early activities. His appointment marks a significant effort to record and preserve the Fabians' history, providing a comprehensive account of the Society's development and its impact on social reform and socialist thought.[2] |
1989 (April) | Publication | Sydney Olivier presents an address titled The Origin and Early History of the Fabian Society. As the Society's first historian, Olivier's address provides a detailed account of the Fabian Society's founding, early activities, and development up to that point. This address helps to solidify the historical narrative of the Fabians, highlighting their commitment to gradual social reform and their impact on the broader socialist movement in Britain.[2] |
1889 | Notable member | The influential group known as the Essayists, including prominent members like Sidney Webb and George Bernard Shaw, are re-elected to the Executive Committee of the Fabian Society, reaffirming their leadership roles within the organization. That same year, Sydney Olivier, one of the founding members, takes on the role of the Society's first historian[2] |
1889 | Publication | Sidney Webb publishes his seminal essay in Fabian Essays in Socialism, marking a pivotal moment in Fabian socialism. In his essay, Webb articulates socialism as a product of social evolution rather than a utopian ideal, rejecting earlier romantic notions of individualism and emphasizing society as the primary unit of progress. He argues that "unconscious socialism" has advanced through public control of services and utilities, demonstrating a natural progression towards socialist principles. Webb advocates for the Fabian Society to influence the mainstream Liberal Party, promoting gradual and pragmatic reforms to achieve socialism through evolutionary means.[17][1] |
1889 | Notable member | George Bernard Shaw articulates his early views on Social Democracy, envisioning a future where democratic principles would enable state control over national industry and resources. Shaw's perspective marks a significant development in his political thought, reflecting his alignment with democratic ideals as a means to achieve greater societal equality. He proposes that through democratic governance, the state could manage and regulate key industries and resources to ensure fair distribution and address social inequalities. This vision is an early expression of Shaw's broader commitment to socialism and his belief in the potential of democratic systems to drive substantial social reform.[17] |
1889 | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes Fabian Essays in Socialism, a significant collection edited by George Bernard Shaw. This work is pivotal in presenting the Society's ideas in a coherent and systematic manner, showcasing their vision for social reform and socialist principles. The initial print run of 1,000 copies quickly gains traction, with sales growing to over 27,000 copies within just two years. The widespread distribution of these essays marks an important moment for the Fabian Society, helping to disseminate their ideas more broadly and solidifying their influence in the intellectual and political discourse of the time.[22] |
1889 (July) | Publication | The Fabian Society actively participates in the first London County Council Election, significantly contributing to the progressive movement. They publish Questions for Candidates, a document designed to evaluate the stances of election candidates on key social issues. Additionally, pamphlets such as Wanted a Programme and The Progress of Socialism are distributed to articulate and promote their vision for social reforms. These publications emphasize the need for public control over services, better labor conditions, and social justice, aligning with the Fabians' strategy of achieving socialism through democratic and legislative means. This involvement marks an important step in their political influence and advocacy for progressive policies.[2] |
1889 (August-September) | Public support | During the 1889 London dock strike, which involves significant labor unrest among London dockers, the Fabian Society responds actively despite having not held meetings that summer for unknown reasons. The society engages with the labor movement by preparing Tract No. 9, which supports the strikers and addresses labor issues. Additionally, they draft the Eight Hours Bill, advocating for an eight-hour workday. This bill is presented to Parliament as part of the society's broader efforts to improve working conditions and demonstrate solidarity with the labor movement.[7] |
1889 (September 21) | Lecture | The Fabian Society holds the first lecture of their autumn series at Willis's Rooms, featuring Sidney Webb, whose lecture, titled The Historical Aspect of the Basis of Socialism, explores the evolution of socialist thought and the underlying historical forces that shaped it. He argues that socialism is not just an ideological construct but a natural progression rooted in historical developments, including the rise of industrialization and the growing awareness of economic inequality. The lecture is part of the Society's broader efforts to educate the public and promote socialism through intellectual discourse and gradual reform.[2] |
1889 (November) | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes Tract N°9, titled The Eight Hours Bill, a 16-page pamphlet also authored by Sidney Webb. This publication advocates for the legal limitation of the working day to eight hours. The pamphlet highlights the detrimental effects of long working hours on workers’ health, productivity, and overall quality of life. Olivier argued that reducing working hours would not only benefit workers but also improve efficiency and social well-being.[2] |
1889 (December) | Publication | The Fabian Essays are published by Anne Besant, a Fabian Society member and essayist who owns The Freethought Publishing Company on Fleet Street. When the initial publishing opportunity falls through with another company, Besant decides to publish the essays through her own firm. The decision proves to be fortuitous, as the first 100 copies of the Fabian Essays become a significant success, gaining notable attention and contributing to the society’s growing influence. Fabian Essays is issued to subscribers and the public, with a frontispiece by Walter Crane and a cover by Miss May Morris. By March 1893, over 25,000 copies would have been sold.[20] The total sales of Fabian Essays would reach approximately 46,000 copies in English editions alone by 1908. Fabian Essays would have a lasting impact, providing a clear and understandable case for Socialism.[2][7] |
1889 | Publication | Facts for Bristol is published as Fabian Tract N°18. Authored by Sir Hartmann W. Just, it is a 20-page pamphlet aimed at raising awareness about the social and economic issues faced by the working class in Bristol. Like other Fabian publications, it uses statistical data and factual analysis to highlight problems such as poverty, poor housing, and inadequate wages in the city. The pamphlet is intended to inform the public and policymakers, advocating for gradual reforms through municipal action.[2] |
1890 (March 28) | Reorganization | The Fabian Society holds its annual meeting, during which significant organizational changes are implemented. The Executive Committee is expanded to fifteen members, reflecting the growing complexity and reach of the society. Additionally, George Bernard Shaw is appointed as the paid secretary at a salary of £1 per week for the first year.[2] |
1890 (June 16) | Notable member | Henry H. Hutchinson of Derby is elected as a member of the Fabian Society and makes a notable contribution by offering a donation of £100 or £200 for lectures in country centers. This donation is intended to support the Society's efforts to expand its reach and promote its ideas beyond London. Hutchinson's financial support is crucial for funding educational activities and outreach programs, helping the Fabian Society to disseminate its socialist principles and engage with a broader audience across the country.[2] |
1890 | Publication | Sidney Webb's Socialism in England is published, where he critiques traditional utopian socialism. He argues for a pragmatic, scientifically informed approach to social reform, influenced by thinkers like Comte, Darwin, and Spencer. Webb asserts that socialism should adapt to and evolve with societal changes rather than impose static utopian visions.[17] |
1890 (September 20th - October 27th) | Advocacy | The Fabian Society conducts the Lancashire campaign, delivering around sixty lectures across Lancashire and other locations. These lectures target working-class audiences, aiming to influence political opinion in areas traditionally dominated by Unionist and Tory sentiments. The campaign is part of the Society's broader effort to spread socialist ideas and challenge the existing political order. On November 4th, a "Report" is issued, highlighting the campaign's success in making inroads into these strongholds, showcasing the effectiveness of the Fabian Society's grassroots efforts in promoting its reformist agenda and expanding its influence in the political landscape.[2] |
1890 | Membership expansion | The London Fabian Society experiences remarkable growth, with its membership expanding from 173 in that year to 640 by 1893. This significant increase in membership illustrates the growing appeal and influence of socialism in the late 19th century. The surge in the society's numbers reflects a broader societal shift toward embracing socialist ideas and reforms, as more people become interested in the Fabians' approach to achieving social justice through gradual, non-revolutionary means.[18] |
1890 | Publication | Questions for Poor Law Guardians is published as Fabian Tract N°20. It is a 4-page pamphlet created by the South West Group, which includes prominent members of the Fabian Society. This pamphlet aims to engage Poor Law Guardians—officials responsible for administering aid to the poor—by presenting a series of critical questions intended to provoke thought and encourage reform in the management of poor relief.[2] |
1891 (March) | Publication | The Fabian Society launches the first issue of Fabian News, a monthly publication that replaces the Society's previous printed circulars. This new periodical serves as the primary means of communication with its members, providing updates on activities, discussions, and developments within the Society. The Fabian News is co-edited by Frank Bland and Edward Pease, both of whom would play significant roles in shaping the content and direction of the publication. The introduction of Fabian News marks an important step in the Society's efforts to consolidate its influence and maintain a cohesive network among its growing membership.[4][2] |
1891 (April) | Membership expansion | The Fabian Society's Executive Committee reports significant progress in the Socialist movement, noting substantial increases in membership, subscriptions, and the formation of local Fabian Societies in various locations across the United Kingdom. This growth reflects the expanding influence and appeal of Fabianism, as more people and communities embrace the society's ideals of gradual, democratic reform to achieve social and economic justice. The rising number of local chapters indicates a grassroots spread of socialist ideas, strengthening the society’s presence and impact on the broader political landscape.[2] |
1891 (April 29) | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes a leaflet, Tract No. 22, opposing the Leasehold Enfranchisement Bill, a proposed piece of legislation that aims to allow leaseholders to purchase the freehold of their properties. The Fabian Society argues against the bill, believing it would disproportionately benefit wealthier leaseholders rather than address broader issues of housing inequality. The bill is ultimately defeated in the House of Commons by a narrow majority of 13 votes, in a chamber with 354 members present, reflecting the contentious nature of the issue and the influence of Fabian advocacy.[2] |
1891 | Publication | Sidney Webb publishes The London Programme as part of Sonnenschein's Social Science Series. This work outlines the Fabian Society's comprehensive policy proposals for managing the affairs of London, reflecting their vision for social reform in urban governance. Webb's program addresses issues such as housing, public health, education, and municipal ownership of services, advocating for greater public control and responsibility in these areas. The publication is significant in shaping the Fabian approach to local government and urban policy.[2] |
1891 | Publication | Sidney Webb writes The Eight Hour Day for the Society. He argues for the abolishing of the laissez-faire economics and for active role of government in economics. He rejects the Marxist notion of revolution as the necessary requirement for social change and advocates instead the need for reforms.[8] |
1891 | Opposition | In response to the influential Fabian Essays, the Liberty and Property Defence League publishes A Plea for Liberty, edited by Thomas Mackay. This publication is a direct defense of free-market principles, countering the Fabian Society’s critiques of capitalism and their advocacy for gradual social reform. A Plea for Liberty argues in favor of individual freedom, limited government intervention, and the benefits of a market-driven economy, presenting a classical liberal perspective in opposition to the Fabian vision of a more regulated and socially oriented state. This exchange highlights the ideological debates of the time, reflecting the clash between emerging socialist ideas and traditional liberal economic thought.[22] |
1891 | Publication | Sidney Web releases The London Programme, outlining his vision for municipal socialism in London. He proposes practical reforms such as urban planning, public services like free public baths and libraries, and improvements in housing and working conditions. Webb's plan contrasts with the more idealistic visions of contemporaries like William Morris, focusing on incremental change through municipal governance.[17] |
1891 | Publication | Beatrice Potter publishes The Cooperative Movement in Great Britain, critiquing opponents of socialism and defending the principles of cooperative organization. Her work not only promotes the practical benefits of cooperative enterprises but also establishes her as a prominent voice in the socialist intellectual circles of the time.[17][17] |
1891-1892 | Membership expansion | The Fabian Society experiences significant growth, particularly outside of London. Membership surges from around 350 in 1891 to approximately 1,300 by 1892, reflecting a widespread and increasing interest in socialist ideas across various regions of the United Kingdom. This expansion indicates the society's success in spreading its message of gradual reform and social justice beyond the capital, appealing to a broader audience eager for change. The rapid increase in membership during this period demonstrates the rising influence of the Fabian Society in shaping the discourse around socialism and reform on a national scale.[18] |
1891 (October) | Notable member | Sidney Webb delivers The Ethics of Existence to the Zetetical Society. In this lecture, Webb explores the ethical foundations of socialism, connecting the service of humanity with the service of God. He discusses the anthropological implications of social reform and addresses the challenges and goals of societal improvement.[17] |
1891 (December 11) | Advocacy | At a Fabian Society meeting, Sidney Webb articulates his opposition to the creation of an independent labour party. He advocates for a collectivist party that is not confined to manual workers or any single class, aiming for a broader social reform agenda.[18] |
1891 | Publication | What the Farm Laborer Wants is published as Fabian Tract N°19, drafted by Sidney Webb and revised by George Bernard Shaw. This pamphlet focuses on the needs and demands of agricultural laborers amidst the social and economic challenges they face. Webb highlights the necessity for fair wages, better working conditions, and social security for farm workers.[23][24][2] |
1892 (February 6th and 7th) | Conference | The first Annual Conference of the Fabian Society is held at Essex Hall in London, with delegates from fourteen or fifteen provincial societies attending, representing a membership of about 1,100. The conference features a significant paper by Bernard Shaw, titled "The Fabian Society: What it has done and how it has done it", later published as Tract 41 and renamed "The Fabian Society: Its Early History". The delegates pass a motion supporting the formation of an independent labour party, reflecting a growing consensus within the Society to pursue a more distinct political path.[2][18] |
1892 (July) | Influence | The General Election sees six Fabian Society members stand as candidates, reflecting the Society's growing influence in British politics. J. Keir Hardie is the sole Fabian to secure a parliamentary seat, winning in West Ham. His success marks a significant milestone for the Fabians and the broader socialist movement. Meanwhile, Ben Tillett, running in West Bradford, performs commendably, signaling a promising future for socialist candidates. Tillett’s strong showing lays the groundwork for future successes, including F.W. Jowett's eventual victory in 1906. The election highlights both the challenges and progress of the Fabian Society's political engagement during this period.[2] |
1892 | Membership expansion | Fabian Societies across the United Kingdom reach their peak membership of approximately 1,500. This marks a high point in the early expansion of the Fabian movement. However, after this peak, the society would experience a steady decline in membership and influence, reflecting challenges in maintaining momentum and engagement. This decline would continue until a significant revival occurs in 1913, when renewed interest in socialism and the society's principles leads to a resurgence in membership and activity.[4] |
1892 | Advocacy | The Fabian Society adopts George Bernard Shaw's election strategy for the general election, focusing on tactical support to maximize the chances of progressive candidates. The society endorses Labour candidate Tillett in Bradford, who is seen as having a strong potential for victory. Simultaneously, they support Liberal candidate Morley in Newcastle to prevent the fragmentation of the progressive vote, which could diminish Labour's electoral prospects. This strategic approach aims to strengthen the overall progressive influence in Parliament by leveraging alliances and avoiding vote splitting, reflecting the Fabians' pragmatic approach to political strategy and electoral success.[18] |
1892 | Notable member | Sidney Webb and five other Fabians are elected to the London County Council, where they try to propagate the ideas of 'municipal socialism', which call for the public ownership of urban utilities and tramlines, better wages for city workers, improved free public education and vocational training. Early Fabians are also very active in various educational boards in London.[4] |
1892 | Influence | By this time, Fabian ideas have significantly influenced English liberalism, with the principles of gradual social reform and public ownership becoming increasingly integrated into the political discourse. This period marks a turning point for the Fabian Society, as its influence extends beyond intellectual circles and begins to resonate with broader social movements. The Society starts to attract prominent socialists and labor leaders, including Heir Kardie, Will Crooks, and Ben Tillett. These figures, known for their advocacy of workers' rights and social justice, align with the Fabians' vision of achieving socialism through democratic and non-revolutionary means, further solidifying the Society's impact on British politics.[4] |
1893 (January) | Background | The Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) is founded at the Bradford Conference, attended by representatives from the Fabian Society of London and nine local Fabian Societies. The I.L.P. emerges as a political party dedicated to advancing socialist and labor interests, reflecting the growing influence of Fabian ideas and a class-based political strategy influenced by Labour Marxists. While George Bernard Shaw supports the new party, he expresses concerns about the potential loss of local flexibility if it becomes too centralized; however, flexibility is maintained.[2][18] |
1893 (March) | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes the Plan of Campaign for Labour, a pivotal document outlining a strategic approach to labor reforms and social justice. The tract proposes a detailed agenda for achieving labor rights through legislative and electoral means, aligning with the society's gradualist approach to socialism. However, its radical tone and specific proposals sparks controversy, leading to the resignation of some prominent members who disagree with the direction the society is taking. This event highlights tensions between revolutionary and reformist approaches within the movement.[2] |
1893 (March) | Publication | Over 25,000 copies of the Fabian Essays in Socialism are sold, demonstrating the significant impact of the Fabian Society’s ideas on the public.[20] |
1893 | Publication | Sidney Webb and George Bernard Shaw publish "To Your Tents, O Israel," attacking the Liberal government for failing to implement the Newcastle Programme and calling for an independent working-class party.[18] |
1893 (November) | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes To Your Tents, O Israel, a tract advocating for administrative reform across various government departments. This publication reflects the Society's ongoing commitment to improving the efficiency and effectiveness of public administration. By calling for systematic reforms, the tract aims to address inefficiencies and promote better governance. The title, evocative of a call to action, suggests a rallying cry for thoughtful and pragmatic changes in government operations. [2] |
1903 | Publication | Shaw's publication of Man and Superman marks a significant literary milestone. The play delved into Nietzschean philosophy, presenting the concept of the Superman. Shaw uses this figure not only as a literary device but also as a symbolic representation of human potential and evolutionary progress, challenging prevailing notions of democracy's adequacy in fostering societal advancement.[17] |
1893 | Advocacy | The Fabian Society advocates for Trade Unionists to establish their own Labour Party. Around the same time, the Independent Labour Party is founded with the initial goal of creating a labor-oriented political entity. However, it swiftly evolves into a predominantly Socialist society.[2] |
1893 | Policy | The Fabians, recognizing the potential for influence within the political landscape, adopt varied strategies of permeation. Initially favoring the Liberal government, seen as more receptive to Fabian ideas than the Conservatives, they offer support. However, disillusioned by the lack of commitment to social reforms, the Fabians publish the pamphlet To Your Tents, O Israel in the same year. This publication signals a shift, urging the creation of a genuine working-class party. Subsequently, with the formation of the Independent Labour Party in 1893, the Fabian Society throws its support behind this new political entity, aligning with its goals and ideals.[4] |
1893 | Organizational growth | The Fabian Society experiences significant growth in its provincial branches, with a recorded 74 societies, including international chapters in locations like Bombay and South Australia. This expansion demonstrates the widespread appeal and influence of Fabian ideas beyond London, reaching both other parts of the United Kingdom and overseas. However, this period marks the high-water mark of provincial Fabianism, as the momentum of these societies begin to decline in subsequent years. Despite the later reduction in provincial organization, the growth during this time highlights the global reach and impact of Fabian principles during the late 19th century.[2] |
1894 (March) | Internal division | Brailsford Bright, an early member of the Fabian Society, identifies three distinct outlooks within the society. The first group, which includes members of the Social Democratic Federation and some Fabians, advocates for maintaining a distinct socialist party. The second group, including George Bernard Shaw, prefers to influence the existing Radical wing of the Liberal Party. The third group, associated with Sidney Webb, supports any party or candidate promoting socialism, without forming or joining a specific political group. This internal debate highlights the diversity of thought within the Fabian Society regarding the best strategy to achieve socialism.[18] |
1894 | Publication | Sidney Webb publishes Socialism - True and False, further solidifying Fabianism as a serious and practical form of socialism. In this work, he dismisses earlier utopian visions as unrealistic and advocates for a systematic, businesslike approach to social reform. Webb's writings contribute to the intellectual foundation of Fabian socialism, which emphasizes gradualism and pragmatic governance over revolutionary change.[17] |
1894 | Opposition | The Liberty and Property Defense League, a classical liberal advocacy group, publishes A Policy of Free Exchange as a counter to the growing influence of Fabian socialism. The publication defends classical liberalism, emphasizing individual freedom, minimal government intervention, and free markets. This response directly challenges the Fabian Society's calls for state intervention and social reforms aimed at addressing economic inequalities. By advocating for free exchange and defending property rights, the League seeks to uphold traditional liberal values against the Fabian push for a more collectivist and state-controlled approach to economic and social policy.[22] |
1894 | Membership expansion | The Fabian Society sees notable growth, with membership increasing to 681 and expenditure rising to £1,179 in 1893. This period of expansion is marked by significant financial contributions, particularly for lectures and activities conducted in the provinces. The surge in membership and financial support reflects the growing interest in Fabian socialism and the society’s efforts to reach a broader audience beyond London. The additional resources allow the Fabians to enhance their outreach, promote their ideas more effectively, and strengthen their influence in various regions of the United Kingdom.[2] |
1895 | Organization | The London School of Economics (LSE) is founded by The Fabian Society. This represents a successful challenge to the traditional dominance of Oxford and Cambridge universities. The decision to create this educational institution, dedicated to exploring the social and economic challenges of late Victorian Britain and disseminating Fabian Society ideals, was made during a breakfast party at Beatrice and Sidney Webb's summer house (Borough Farm) near Milford, Surrey, on August 4, 1894. The founders include Beatrice and Sidney Webb, Graham Wallas, and George Bernard Shaw. The foundation of the LSE marks a significant milestone in the establishment of a prestigious institution dedicated to economic and political studies.[4][8] |
1895 (June) | Theoretical Development | George Bernard Shaw, a prominent Fabian, develops his theory of rent, which builds on the ideas of nineteenth-century Radicals. Shaw argues that economic rent arises not only from natural advantages like fertility and location but also from monopolistic practices by capitalists and landlords. His theory suggests that capitalism is inherently exploitative, as monopolists are able to pay workers subsistence wages while extracting more value from their labor. Shaw's theory reflects a Radical, class-based ideology and underscores the existence of a class war, which he believes socialism should make explicit.[18] |
1895 | Influence | The Fabian Society uses a bequest to establish the London School of Economics (LSE). The founding of LSE is a significant milestone, reflecting the society's commitment to advancing education and research in the social sciences. Over time, LSE would become renowned for its contributions to economic and social theory.[22] |
1895 | Crisis | The Fabian Society's policy of simple permeation—an approach aimed at influencing the Liberal Party from within—ends as the Daily Chronicle, a prominent newspaper, turned hostile towards the Fabians. This shift in media attitude, coupled with broader political challenges, contributes to the Liberal Party's defeat in the 1895 general election. The Fabians' strategy of gradual influence proves less effective in the face of the party's electoral losses and shifting public opinion. This period marks a critical juncture for the Fabians, prompting a reassessment of their political strategy and methods for achieving their social and reformist goals.[2] |
1896 | Organization | The American Fabian Society is established, inspired by the principles and strategies of its British counterpart. This organization aims to promote socialist ideals in the United States through gradual and democratic means. It focuses on education, public policy advocacy, and incremental social reforms, seeking to address issues such as economic inequality, labor rights, and social justice. The founding of the American Fabian Society marks the spread of Fabian influence across the Atlantic, contributing to the broader progressive movement in the U.S. and advocating for systemic change within the framework of existing political institutions.[25] |
1897–1898 | Policy | Significant effort is invested in developing a plan for the municipalization of the Drink Trade by the Fabian Society. This occurs prior to the publication of The Temperance Problem and Social Reform in 1899 by Joseph Rowntree and Arthur Sherwell, which is the first comprehensive scientific treatment of the subject.[2] |
1897 | Publication | Sidney and Beatrice Webb publish Industrial Democracy, advocating for the inclusion of specialized professional groups in the governance and management of industrial enterprises. Their proposal for industrial democracy aims to reconcile the interests of labor and capital while promoting greater economic equity and social cohesion.[17] |
1898 | Background | The Fellowship of the New Life, an early socialist organization that had sought to combine personal and social reform, is dissolved. This dissolution marks the end of a significant chapter in the history of British socialism. During the same period, the Fabian Society emerges as the pre-eminent intellectual society in the United Kingdom. Under the leadership of key figures such as Sidney Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and Beatrice Webb, the Fabians become influential in shaping political discourse and policy. Their commitment to gradual reform and their focus on practical solutions to social issues solidify their position as leading proponents of socialism in the Edwardian era, impacting British politics and public policy.[8] |
1899 | Initiative | The Fabian Society plays a key role in establishing a local government Information Bureau. This initiative is part of the Society's broader strategy to promote informed governance and improve municipal administration. The Bureau aims to provide local authorities with comprehensive information and advice on best practices for managing public services and implementing social reforms. By participating in this endeavor, the Fabian Society seeks to enhance the efficiency of local government operations and further its commitment to gradual social improvement through informed and practical measures.[4] |
1899 | Internal division | The Fabian Society, primarily focused on domestic concerns like national ownership, free education, and the betterment of the lives of the impoverished, undergoes a significant shift with the outbreak of the Boer War. Up until this point, imperial rule has not been a major focus for the society. However, the conflict prompts a major split within the Fabians regarding their stance on the war. This division results in the resignations of prominent members, including Emmeline Pankhurst, William Clarke, and J. Ramsay MacDonald who, being a member of the Fabian Executive Committee at this time, would go on to become the future leader of the Labour Party.[4] |
1899 | Partnership | The Fabian Society partners with the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) to establish a Local Government Information Bureau. This collaboration aims to provide resources, data, and guidance to local government officials and activists, promoting informed decision-making and progressive governance. The initiative reflects both organizations' commitment to influencing public policy and supporting the spread of socialist ideals at the municipal level. By pooling their expertise, the Fabian Society and the I.L.P. would seek to strengthen the impact of their efforts on local government.[2] |
1899 | Advocacy | A faction within the Fabian Society, led by S. G. Hobson—who would later become a notable guild-socialist—and supported by a few members, attempt to persuade the Fabian Executive to issue a statement opposing the Boer War. Despite their efforts, the attempt is unsuccessful. The Boer War, which takes place in South Africa between British forces and Boer settlers, is a contentious issue among socialists and progressives at the time.[4] |
1900 (January 1) | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes Fabianism and the Empire: A Manifesto, a historical text authored by George Bernard Shaw. The book serves as a manifesto advocating for Fabianism, a form of socialism founded on the principles of gradual reform and social democracy. The publication, comprising 118 pages, discusses the relationship between Fabianism and imperialism, addressing key socio-political issues of the time.[26][27][28] |
1900 (February) | Strategic divergence | The debate between the Fabian Society and the Independent Labour Party becomes more pronounced. The Fabians, led by Shaw and Webb, continue to advocate for permeating existing political parties, particularly the Liberals, believing that socialism is in the interest of all classes. In contrast, the I.L.P., following the strategy of Labour Marxists, argues that the working class has distinct interests that require independent political representation. This strategic divergence underscores the differing visions for how socialism should be pursued in Britain.[18] |
1900 | Influence | The Fabian Society plays a pivotal role in founding the British Labour Party through collaboration with trade unions. This political formation marks a significant milestone in embedding socialist ideas within a major political party's structure and policies. The Fabians' involvement helps shape the Labour Party's agenda, ensuring that principles of gradual reform, social justice, and workers' rights are integral to its platform. This collaboration facilitates the Labour Party’s rise as a key political force in Britain, advocating for progressive changes and representing the interests of the working class within the broader political landscape.[22] |
1900 | Publication | The Fabian Society drafts an amending Bill aimed at addressing issues in rural districts, initially developed in 1895. This legislative proposal is part of the society's broader efforts to influence policy and effect social reform. The Bill focuses on improving conditions in rural areas, reflecting the Fabians' commitment to addressing social inequalities and advocating for progressive changes in local governance and rural welfare. The drafting of such legislation demonstrates the society's proactive approach to shaping policy and its dedication to tackling issues affecting various segments of society.[2] |
1900 | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes Fabianism and the Empire, a tract drafted by George Bernard Shaw, which would become a pivotal statement of the Society's imperial policy. The manifesto supports British imperial expansion, arguing that the world is evolving toward larger, more powerful states. Shaw and the Fabians advocate for using the Empire to spread enlightened principles of governance globally. However, this stance causes internal conflict within the Society, leading to the resignation of thirteen members, including future Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald.[4][20] |
1900 | Organization | The Fabian Society, in collaboration with the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) and various trade unions, forms the Labour Representation Committee (LRC). This committee is established to unify and represent the political interests of the working class within the British political system. In 1906, the LRC is renamed the Labour Party, which would go on to become one of the United Kingdom's major political parties.[2] The alliance between the Fabian Society and the Labour Party would continue to the present day.[29] |
1900 | Influence | The London School of Economics (LSE), founded with strong ties to the Fabian Society, merges with the University of London. This merger would enhance the LSE's academic standing and broadens its influence as a center for the study of economics, sociology, and social sciences. The integration into the University of London reflects the growing recognition of the importance of the social sciences in higher education and solidifies the LSE's role in shaping public policy and thought.[4] |
1900 | Influence | The Fabian Society plays a crucial role in the establishment of the Labour Representative Committee (LRC), which is created to coordinate the political efforts of various socialist and labor groups. The LRC's formation marks a significant step in organizing the labor movement within the British political system. This committee would later evolve into the Labour Party in 1906, becoming a major political force advocating for workers' rights and social justice. The Fabian Society's involvement in founding the LRC highlights its influence in shaping the early direction and ideology of what would become one of the UK's leading political parties.[2] |
1900 | Influence | The Fabian Society plays a crucial role in the formation of the Labour Party by collaborating with trade unions. This partnership is instrumental in shaping the early political ideas of the Labour Party, embedding Fabian principles of gradual social reform and democratic socialism within its foundation. The alliance between the Fabians and the trade unions provide the Labour Party with a strong ideological and organizational base, which helps it to grow into a major political force in the United Kingdom. This collaboration establishes a longstanding affiliation between the Fabian Society and the Labour Party, influencing the party’s policies and direction for decades to come.[3] |
1900 | Crisis | The Fabian Society observes a decline in its provincial branches, with only four local and four university societies still active. This reduction marks a shift in the society's influence outside of London, as the rise of the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) begins to overshadow the provincial Fabian Societies. The Fabian Society acknowledges that provincial Fabianism has largely fulfilled its purpose by laying the groundwork for socialist thought and organization in these areas. With the I.L.P.'s growing prominence, many of the objectives of provincial Fabians are carried forward by this new political force, leading to a natural decline in the necessity for independent Fabian branches in the provinces.[2] |
1901 | Influence | The impact of the Fabian Society's advocacy was evident with the introduction of the Education Act 1902. This legislation incorporates several of the Society's proposals aimed at reforming the British education system. The Act marks a significant shift towards state involvement in education, establishing local education authorities and providing funding for both secular and religious schools. The Fabian Society's influence on the Act reflects their commitment to using gradual reform and intellectual persuasion to shape public policy. [2] |
1902 | Notable member | Sidney Webb contributes significantly to the preparation of the Education Act of 1902, which hands over the control of local schools to borough or city councils. Over time, the education system in Britain would emulate many Fabian ideas. Another important success of the early Fabians is their contribution to the implementation of the municipal reform, which is to produce, as they believe 'municipal socialism'.[4] |
1903 (February) | Notable member | English writer Herbert George Wells becomes a member of the Fabian Society. Wells, already a prominent author and intellectual, brings fresh perspectives and ideas to the society. His involvement with the Fabians marks a period of dynamic debates and writings on socialism, where he advocates for more direct and radical reforms compared to the society's traditional gradualist approach.[30] Wells' membership enhances the visibility and influence of the Fabian Society within the broader socialist movement and contributes to its intellectual and ideological development.[2] |
1903 (March) | Notable member | H. G. Wells delivers his first lecture for the Fabian Society on the intricate topic of "The Question of Scientific Administrative Areas in Relation to Municipal Undertakings." In this lecture, Wells explores the efficiency and organization of municipal services and governance through scientific and administrative approaches. His analysis advocates for rational and planned management of urban areas to enhance public services. The lecture's insights are later published as an appendix to his book Mankind in the Making, further contributing to discussions on social and municipal reforms within the Fabian Society and beyond.[2] |
1903 | Influence | The London School of Economics (LSE), closely associated with the Fabian Society, opens the first department of sociology and social economics in Britain. This marks a significant advancement in the academic study of social sciences, reflecting commitment to applying rigorous intellectual analysis to social issues. The establishment of this department would contribute to the development of sociology and social economics as academic disciplines.[4] |
1904 | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes Fabianism And The Fiscal Question: An Alternative Policy, which focuses on the fiscal policies of the British government during that time, particularly the debate between tariffs and free trade. The book discusses the role of imperialism and emphasizes the importance of international cooperation in economic policy. Overall, it offers a socialist critique of contemporary economic policies and presents a vision for a more equitable society.[31][32] |
1906 (January 12) | Publication | During the General Election, H. G. Wells is scheduled to present a paper to the Fabian Society. However, due to the election's ongoing demands, he delivers an article titled This Misery of Boots instead. This article, which addresses social issues related to poverty and the working conditions of the poor, is well-received and later published as a special Fabian publication. Wells's contribution highlights his engagement with social reform and his alignment with Fabian principles, bringing attention to the societal challenges of the time and reinforcing the Fabians' focus on addressing social inequalities.[2] |
1906 (February 9) | Publication | H. G. Wells initiates the controversy with the paper Faults of the Fabian, criticizing its size, financial status, and self-effacing habits. The ensuing debate prompts the formation of a committee, including Wells and notable Fabians, to address issues and suggest reforms. The resulting report, less inspiring than Wells' critique, proposes administrative changes, like a weekly review, new publications, and altering the Society's name. The controversial suggestion of running parliamentary candidates and raising funds for it marks a shift, emphasizing increased membership. Wells' proposal attracts attention and contributes to the Fabian Society's public prominence.[2] |
1906 | Advocacy | The Fabian Society actively engages in lobbying efforts to advance key social reforms. These efforts include advocating for the introduction of a minimum wage, which reflects their commitment to improving workers' conditions and reducing economic inequality. Additionally, the Fabians push for the creation of a universal health care system, a goal that would gain momentum and would be partially realized in 1911 with the introduction of the National Insurance Act. They also campaign for the abolition of hereditary peerages, aiming to reform the House of Lords and promote a more democratic political system.[33][29][8] |
1906 | Proposal | The Fabian Society proposes the introduction of a minimum wage, advocating for economic reforms to address workers' rights and economic disparities.[3] |
1893 | Publication | Robert Blatchford publishes publishes Merrie England, a utopian socialist tract that presents a vision of a society based on socialist principles. The book advocates for economic and social reforms to create a more equitable and just society. Merrie England becomes highly influential, selling over two million copies in Britain alone, and significantly contributes to the popularization of socialist ideas among the working class. This publication underscores the growing interest in socialism and the impact of literary works in advancing political movements.[34][35][36] |
1907 (March) | Membership expansion | The Fabian Society experiences remarkable growth, with its membership reaching 1,267—a substantial increase of nearly 500 members over the previous two years. This surge in membership reflects the growing appeal of Fabian ideas and the society's influence in the broader socialist movement. The increase also highlights the society’s successful efforts in expanding its reach and impact, attracting new members who are committed to advocating for gradual and democratic social reforms in the United Kingdom.[2] |
1907 | Organization | The Arts Group emerges within the Fabian Society, focusing on philosophy and art in relation to socialism. Founded by Holbrook Jackson and A.R. Orage, the group attracts distinguished lecturers and audiences. However, after eighteen months, it wanes, disappearing from the calendar by the summer of 1908. Despite its brief existence, the Arts Group exemplifies the diverse intellectual interests within the Fabian Society during a transformative period marked by increased membership and engagement in various specialized groups, including the Women's Group, the Nursery, and others.[2] |
1907 (July 6) | Conference | The Second Annual Conference of Fabian Societies and Groups takes place, resulting in the formation of the Pan-Fabian Organization. This conference brings together various Fabian societies and groups to coordinate their efforts and strengthen their collective impact. The creation of the Pan-Fabian Organization aims to unify these groups under a common banner, facilitating more effective collaboration and communication among Fabians across different regions. This organizational development is intended to enhance the influence of Fabian socialism and promote a more cohesive approach to advancing social reform and policy objectives.[2] |
1908 (September) | Notable member | H. G. Wells resigns from the Fabian Society, citing disagreements with its Basis and dissatisfaction with the overall direction of its activities. Wells, who had been a prominent and vocal member of the society, expresses frustration with what he perceives as the Fabians' overly cautious and bureaucratic approach to social reform. He expresses feeling that the society is not radical enough in pursuing change and prefers to focus his energies on writing novels, where he can explore his ideas more freely and creatively.[2] |
1909 | Notable member | Beatrice and Sidney Webb, key figures in the Fabian Society, contribute significantly to Fabian thinking and research methodology. Beatrice's 1909 Minority Report to the Commission of the Poor Law lays the foundation for much of the modern welfare state.[9] |
1910 | Crisis | The Fabian Society experiences a significant decline in influence, as it becomes increasingly marginalized and is reduced to functioning primarily as a think tank. This downturn is attributed to the lack of support from political parties and advocates, which diminishes the society's direct impact on public policy and political discourse. The period reflects challenges in maintaining momentum and relevance within the rapidly evolving political landscape of early 20th-century Britain.[37] |
1911 | Influence | The Fabian Society publishes pamphlets advocating for the creation of a National Health Service (NHS) in Britain. These pamphlets argue for the establishment of a publicly funded healthcare system to ensure access to medical services for all citizens, regardless of income. The society’s lobbying efforts would play a pivotal role in shaping public discourse and laying the groundwork for the eventual establishment of the NHS in 1948.[8] |
1911 | Partnership | The Fabian Society and the Independent Labour Party (ILP) establish a Joint Standing Committee, marking a formal collaboration between the two organizations. This partnership aims to foster friendly relations and enhance coordination between the Fabians and the ILP, both of which are key players in the British socialist movement. The Joint Standing Committee facilitates joint efforts on policy development and political strategy, reflecting a shared commitment to advancing socialist and progressive agendas.[2] |
1911 | Advocacy | The Fabian Society proposes the creation of a National Health Service (NHS), showcasing its pioneering role in advocating for welfare state policies. This proposal reflects the society's commitment to improving public health and ensuring access to medical care for all citizens. The idea is part of a broader Fabian vision of social reform, aiming to address inequalities and provide comprehensive support to individuals. Although the concept of the NHS would not be realized until after World War II, the Fabian Society’s early advocacy lays important groundwork for the development of the welfare state in the UK.[3] |
1912 | Organization | Clifford Allen, 1st Baron Allen of Hurtwood establishes the University Socialist Federation, a coalition of Fabian Societies within academic institutions. This organization aims to bring together university-based Fabians to foster socialist ideas among students and academic communities. The federation serves as a platform for promoting socialist theory, facilitating intellectual exchange, and encouraging political activism within the university environment. By creating a structured network of university societies, Allen and the Federation seek to extend the reach of Fabian socialism and cultivate a new generation of engaged and informed socialists.[2] |
1913 | Publication | Beatrice and Sidney Webb, with financial support from George Bernard Shaw and other Fabian Society members, found The New Statesman. The magazine is established to influence political and social discourse in Britain, promoting the Fabian agenda of gradual social reform. Under the editorship of the Webbs, The New Statesman quickly becomes a leading voice advocating for social justice, economic equality, and democratic socialism. Its analysis and critique of contemporary issues help shape public opinion and policy, reinforcing the Fabian Society's impact on British politics and contributing to the broader progressive movement.[9][22] |
1913 | Publication | The Fabian Society Women's Group compiles and prepares a volume of essays titled Women Workers in Seven Professions. Edited by Professor Edith Morley and published by George Routledge and Sons, this collection explores the roles, challenges, and contributions of women in various professional fields. The essays highlight the experiences of women in professions such as medicine, law, and education, among others, emphasizing the importance of gender equality and the need for social reforms to support women’s participation in the workforce.[2] |
1913 | Notable member | Political theorist and author Leonard Woolf joins the Fabian Society, bringing his insights and expertise to the organization. Woolf, a prominent writer and political theorist, contributes significantly to the society’s discussions on international governance and global issues. His involvement enrichs the Fabian Society's perspective on how international relations and governance could be shaped to promote peace and cooperation.[20] |
1913 (December) | Background | A proposal for a United Socialist Council emerges, contingent upon the British Socialist Party affiliating with the Labour Party. This proposal aims to unify various socialist factions and streamline their efforts for greater political impact. The idea reflects ongoing discussions about consolidating socialist forces to present a united front in British politics. The affiliation would enhance coordination and effectiveness in advocating for socialist policies, furthering the Fabian Society's goal of achieving incremental social reform through collective political action.[2] |
1914 | Reorganization | The Fabian Society relocates its headquarters to 25 Tothill Street in Westminster, moving from its previous location at Clement's Inn. This move marks a period of growth and increased prominence for the society, reflecting its expanding membership and influence. During this time, the society is actively engaged in producing a range of tracts on various subjects, including the decline in birth rates and economic issues, underscoring its commitment to addressing a wide array of social and political topics.[7] |
1914 | Membership expansion | The University membership of Fabian Society reaches its maximum on paper with 541 members, 101 at Oxford and 70 at Cambridge. The outbreak of World War I coincides with a period of depression, and the Fabian Society faces challenges in maintaining its University membership.[2] |
1915 | Organization | The Fabian Society establishes the Fabian Election Fund to support political candidates and campaigns aligned with Fabian principles. This fund aims to enhance the society's influence on the political landscape by providing financial resources for candidates who advocate for social and economic reforms. The establishment of the fund reflects the Fabians' strategic effort to promote their agenda and increase their impact on public policy and electoral politics during a critical period in British history.[2] |
1915 | Scholarly examination | Ernest Barker, a researcher at New College, Oxford, publishes a paper titled Political Thought in England from Herbert Spencer to the Present Day. In this work, Barker compares the reform methods of John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx, using the Fabian Society as a contemporary example. Barker's analysis highlights the significant differences between the Fabian approach to social reform and Marxist strategies. The Fabian Society's emphasis on gradual, incremental change contrasts sharply with Marx's revolutionary methods, reflecting the society's distinctive approach to achieving social and political reform.[7] |
1915 | Background | War disrupts plans for the United Socialist Council as the Labour Party, Fabian Society, and leaders of the British Socialist Party support the government.[2] The outbreak of the war marks a turning point, leading to closer ties between Fabians and the Labour Party.[37] |
1915 | Crisis | The rise of Guild Socialism, particularly influential at Oxford, leads to a temporary decline in University Fabianism. Guild Socialism, which emphasizes worker control and the establishment of guilds as an alternative to traditional state socialism, gains traction among students and academics, overshadowing the Fabian approach to gradual reform. This shift in ideological focus and the prominence of Guild Socialist ideas contributes to a reduction in the influence and activity of Fabian societies within university settings. The decline is a result of the growing appeal of alternative socialist theories and the changing intellectual climate of the time.[2] |
1916 | Publication | Edward Pease, a founding member of the Fabian Society, publishes The History of the Fabian Society. This book offers a comprehensive history of the society, detailing its origins, development, and impact on British socialism. Pease’s work provides valuable insights into the society's key figures, ideas, and contributions to the political landscape. Additionally, the book includes a list of Fabian tracts published up to the end of 1915, serving as a vital record of the society's intellectual output and influence.[38] |
1916 | Publication | Fabian member Leonard Woolf publishes International Government, a work that advocates for the creation of a supranational organization aimed at preventing future conflicts. This publication reflects the internationalist sentiment of the time, particularly in the context of the ongoing First World War, which underscores the need for new mechanisms to maintain global peace. Woolf's ideas anticipate the later development of institutions like the League of Nations and the United Nations, emphasizing the importance of international cooperation and governance to avoid the repetition of such devastating conflicts.[20] |
1917 | Advocacy | The Fabian Society intensifies its efforts to influence public policy by publishing pamphlets advocating for the abolition of hereditary peers in the British House of Lords. These pamphlets argue that the presence of hereditary peers undermines democratic governance and hinders social progress. By lobbying for this reform, the Fabian Society seeks to promote a more equitable and meritocratic political system, reflecting their broader goals of gradual and democratic social reform. This campaign highlights the society’s active role in shaping political discourse and influencing legislative change in the United Kingdom.[8] |
1917 | Theoretical development | G.D.H. Cole advocates for guild socialism, which emphasizes decentralized, democratic control within workplaces. Cole's approach contrasts sharply with the centralized state control favored by other socialists, such as Sidney and Beatrice Webb. Guild socialism proposes that workers should have a direct say in the management and operation of their industries through democratic guilds, thereby decentralizing economic power. This theory aims to create a more participatory and less bureaucratic form of socialism compared to the more state-centric models prevalent at the time. Cole's ideas contribute to the broader debate within socialism about the best means to achieve democratic and effective social reform.[17] |
1917 | Proposal | The Fabian Society proposes the abolition of hereditary peers in the House of Lords as part of its broader agenda to reform the British aristocratic system. The proposal aims to eliminate the practice of granting legislative power based on inherited status, advocating instead for a more democratic and merit-based system. This stance reflects the Fabian Society's commitment to progressive reform and its desire to modernize British institutions to better align with democratic principles.[3] |
1918 | Influence | Fabians significantly influence the Labour Party's program, marking a key moment in their growing impact on British politics. The program, which includes commitments to nationalization, social welfare, and workers' rights, reflects the Fabian Society's ideas of gradual social reform and state intervention in the economy. Their contribution to the Labour Party's platform demonstrates the increasing power and influence of the Fabians within the party, helping to shape its direction and policy priorities. This period solidifies the Fabians' role as key architects of Labour's ideological foundation and its approach to governance.[37] |
1918 | Influence | Sidney Webb plays a crucial role in drafting the Labour Party’s 1918 Constitution, including the original Clause IV. This constitution and the accompanying program, Labour and the New Social Order, are instrumental in shaping the party’s policies and ideological framework. Clause IV, which calla for the common ownership of the means of production, distribution, and exchange, becomes a defining element of the Labour Party’s commitment to socialist principles. Webb's influence ensures that the Labour Party’s platform reflect Fabian ideals of gradual reform and social ownership, marking a significant moment in the development of the party's identity and objectives.[3] |
1919 | Advocacy | Sidney Webb releases a preface to the 1919 edition of Fabian Essays, which clarifies the initial intentions of the Fabian Society. Webb explains that while the Fabians had originally contemplated the creation of a new political party, their primary focus shifted towards reforming existing political and economic systems. This preface emphasizes the society's commitment to achieving social change through gradual, incremental reforms rather than through revolutionary means. Webb's remarks underscore the Fabians' strategic approach to influencing public policy and their role in shaping the Labour Party's development and broader socialist thought.[1] |
1920 | Publication | The Webbs draft the Constitution for the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain, outlining their vision of a socialist society characterized by economic planning, social welfare provisions, and democratic governance. This landmark document inspires debates within socialist circles and influences subsequent discussions on the feasibility of socialist transformation.[17] |
1920 (April) | Influence | Historians, led by Professors Hobsbawm and McBriar, begin to reassess the role of the Fabian Society in the history of British socialism. These revisionist historians argue that the Fabians had little impact on the development of mainstream socialism, which they claim was more significantly influenced by the Independent Labour Party and trade unions. This reassessment challenges the traditional view of the Fabians as central to the rise of socialism in Britain and diminishes their historical significance.[18] |
1920 | Publication | G. D. H. Cole publishes Self Government in Industry, a seminal work where he argues for the division of state functions (primarily consumer representation) from those of trade unions (representing producers). This reflects his belief in functional democracy within guild socialism.[17] |
1921 | Publication | Sidney and Beatrice Webb explore the role of consumer cooperatives in promoting economic democracy and empowering consumers in The Consumers’ Co-operative Movement. Their analysis underscores the potential of cooperative enterprises to challenge capitalist economic structures and empower ordinary citizens through collective action.[17] |
1922 | Criticism | G. D. H. Cole critiques collectivism, asserting that syndicalism within the framework of guild socialism offers a more democratic and decentralized alternative. His views align more closely with local and productive democracy rather than national governance.[17] |
1923 | Influence | Over twenty Fabians are elected to Parliament, with five Fabians in Ramsay MacDonald's first Labour cabinet. Clement Attlee, a future prime minister, received his first ministerial post at this time.[9] |
1928 | Publication | George Bernard Shaw's The Intelligent Woman’s Guide to Socialism and Capitalism is published. In this book, Shaw synthesizes his views on socialism, advocating for equality of income distribution and emphasizing the role of leisure in a socialist society. He critiques traditional capitalist structures and proposed alternative socio-economic frameworks that challenged the status quo.[17] |
1931 (July) | Criticism | The revisionist critique of the Fabian Society gains further traction. Revisionists argue that the Fabians are elitist, focusing on high politics and ignoring the grassroots of working-class politics. They claim that the Labour Party emerged not from the efforts of the Fabians but from the interaction between the Independent Labour Party and trade unions, which the Fabians either ignored or opposed. This critique positions the Fabians as largely irrelevant to the major developments in British socialism and highlights the central role of class conflict in twentieth-century British politics.[18] |
1931 | Organization | Fabianism is revitalized with the formation of the New Fabian Research Bureau (NFRB) by G. D. H. Cole, independently of the Fabian Society. The NFRB attracts a number of prominent social-democratic intellectuals, including Leonard Woolf, William Robson, Hugh Dalton, and Evan Durbin. This new bureau aims to continue and expand upon the Fabian tradition of progressive social research and policy development. Although Laski is briefly involved in the early 1930s, the NFRB's efforts play a crucial role in reinvigorating Fabian ideas. In 1938, the NFRB would amalgamate with the Fabian Society, consolidating their resources and influence.[9][20] |
1931 (May) | Organization | Within the New Fabian Research Bureau, a Committee for International Affairs is instituted to conduct research on the foundations of internationalism, international economic relations, and the prospects for a planned world economy. This committee is tasked with surveying existing international agreements and laying the groundwork for future international cooperation.[20] |
1932 | Notable member | Beatrice Webb visits the Soviet Union to observe the implementation of socialist policies and organizational structures. Initially reflecting on the practical challenges and possibilities of socialist governance, Webb would become increasingly disillusioned with Soviet communism by 1936. She would criticize its inefficiencies, bureaucratic mismanagement, and human rights abuses, which contrasts with the Fabian vision of gradual and democratic socialism.[17] |
1936 | Influence | The Webbs' ideas on centralized planning and state intervention in the economy anticipate key aspects of Stalin's Constitution of 1936, which enshrines principles of economic planning and social rights. Their advocacy for a planned economy and state-centric socialism influences debates on socialist governance and economic policy worldwide.[17] |
1938 | Notable member | G. D. H. Cole's views shift towards liberalism, acknowledging the role of the state amidst economic crises. He retains his commitment to pluralism and decentralized power but recognizes the practical necessity of state intervention in certain economic matters.[17] |
1938 | Organization | The New Fabian Research Bureau (NFRB) merges with the Fabian Society, consolidating efforts to promote social-democratic and progressive ideas. This amalgamation combines the research and analytical strengths of the NFRB with the Fabian Society’s established influence and outreach. The merger enhances the society’s capacity to develop and advocate for informed social policies and reform strategies.[1] |
1939 | Membership expansion | By this time, there are 6 local Fabian societies in the United Kingdom.[9] |
1939 | Policy | The Fabian Society adopts Rule 3 of the Fabian basis, which declares that the Society will have no collective policy beyond socialism and that its research shall be free and objective, with no political resolutions expressed in its name.[20] |
1939–1945 | Policy | During World War II, the Fabian Society concentrates on developing ideas related to European politics and the impact of the war on socialist policy. The society engages in analyzing how the war influences political dynamics and shape future policy directions for socialism. Their focus includes exploring the post-war reconstruction of Europe, the role of socialism in rebuilding war-torn societies, and the implications for international relations. This period of reflection and policy development aims to position the Fabian Society as a key contributor to shaping a progressive and equitable post-war order.[20] |
1940 | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes Eastern Europe After Hitler, authored by Doreen Warriner. The book investigates the divergent economic and social developments in Eastern and Western Europe, critiquing the political instability in Eastern Europe and proposing that economic reconstruction and reintegration with Western industrial states were essential for stability.[20] |
1940 (October) | Organization | The Fabian Society establishes the Fabian Colonial Bureau (FCB) to research and debate British colonial policy. At its first official meeting on October 26, Rita Hinden is elected as secretary and Arthur Creech Jones, MP, is appointed as chair. The FCB is tasked with developing policies for the redevelopment and eventual "freeing of the Colonies," addressing colonial issues separately from post-war European matters.[39][20] |
1941 (early year) | Organizational growth | The Fabian International Bureau (FIB) is created as a result of the success of the Fabian Colonial Bureau. The FIB is formed to focus on non-colonial international issues and to stimulate discussions on socialist questions. Its establishment marks the continuation of the work initiated by the NFRB’s Committee for International Affairs, which had functioned for nearly a decade.[20] |
1941 (March 5) | International collaboration | The Executive Committee (EC) of the Fabian Society officially accepts the scheme of work proposed for the Fabian International Bureau. The bureau is created with an aim to facilitate personal contacts and discussions between Fabian Society members and representatives of European socialist movements, particularly those exiled in Britain. The FIB is also tasked with preparing the ground for an international labor strategy in post-war Europe.[20] |
1941 (August) | Notable member | Mildred Bamford is appointed as the secretary of the Fabian International Bureau, a position she would hold until March 1946. During her tenure, she would play a key role in the administration and coordination of the bureau's activities.[20] |
1941 (September 20) | International collaboration | A Fabian report notes the Fabian Society's efforts to connect local Labour parties with foreign speakers on international subjects. This initiative receives widespread interest from Labour Party members across the country, indicating a broader engagement with foreign affairs and European issues beyond the metropolitan areas.[20] |
1942 (January 24) | Conference | The Fabian International Bureau holds its inaugural public meeting at Caxton Hall in London. The meeting is attended by over 200 delegates and features prominent international labor movement figures such as Philip Noel-Baker and Louis de Brouckère. The event marks the official launch of the FIB’s public activities and its commitment to influencing international socialist discussions.[20] |
1942 (May) | Publication | A "Committee of the Fabian Society" issues the pamphlet A Word on the Future to British Socialists, which addresses Britain's changed global situation due to the war. It advocates for the economic unification of Europe post-war to avoid the reemergence of trade barriers, emphasizes the importance of Soviet-British cooperation, and warns that a capitalist reconstruction of Western Europe would lead to ideological friction.[20] |
1942 (May) | International collaboration | The Fabian Society supports the formation of a working group composed of exiled socialists from Central and Eastern Europe. This group issues a statement advocating for the creation of Yugo-Bulgarian and Czech–Polish federations based on Slavonic brotherhood, and proposes a broader European federation, including Great Britain and the USSR, to ensure stable peace in Europe.[20] |
1943 (March) | Notable member | Leonard Woolf takes over as the chair of the Fabian International Bureau from Philip Noel-Baker, MP. Woolf's leadership marks a new phase in the bureau’s activities, including a more proactive approach to international socialism and the development of a post-war socialist strategy.[20] |
1943 | Publication | Wenzl Jaksch, a representative of the Sudetenland German Social Democrats, contributes to Fabian Quarterly. He raises critical questions about the socialist approach to supranational organizations and the role of socialism in shaping a post-war European federation. Jaksch's questions reflect his desire for a break from Czechoslovakia and a broader debate within the Labour Movement about Europe's future.[20] |
1944 | Publication | Everybody’s Political What’s What? is published, where George Bernard Shaw continues to critique parliamentary democracy. He advocates for a corporate system of governance, reflecting his disillusionment with conventional democratic practices and his evolving preference for more centralized forms of authority.[17] |
1944 (late year) | Conference | The Fabian International Bureau organizes a series of regional conferences across various cities in the UK, including Bristol, Leeds, Watford, Reading, Birmingham, Sheffield, West Hartlepool, and Preston. These conferences focus on the International Post-war Settlement and reflect the FIB’s optimism for shaping post-war Europe and promoting socialist principles on an international scale.[20] |
1945 (July) | Influence | The Labour Party wins the general election, leading to an unprecedented opportunity for the Fabian Society to influence European policy. Approximately 58.1% of Labour MPs are Fabians, including key government officials. The Fabian International Bureau (FIB) aims to strengthen its ties with the Labour Government.[20] |
1945 | Influence | 229 members of the Fabian Society are elected to Parliament of the United Kingdom at the 1945 general election. This significant achievement underscores the society’s influence on British politics, as many of these members are associated with the Labour Party, which wins a landslide victory. The success of so many Fabian members in securing parliamentary seats reflects the widespread appeal of the society's ideas and its pivotal role in shaping post-war social and economic policies, including the establishment of the welfare state and the nationalization of key industries.[9][3][22] |
1945 | Membership expansion | By this time, the Fabian Society has established 120 local branches across the United Kingdom. This expansion reflects the society’s growing influence and the increasing adoption of its socialist principles throughout the country. The proliferation of local societies indicates a strong grassroots presence and widespread engagement with Fabian ideas, contributing to the broader political and social reforms of the post-war period.[9] |
1945 (December) | Membership expansion | The Fabian International Bureau co-opts several new members, including MPs Richard Crossman, Michael Foot, James Callaghan, Warbey, and Ernest Davies, to liaise between the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) and the Bureau. Philip Noel-Baker, the former FIB chair, continues to maintain contact with the Bureau from his new role as Minister of State at the Foreign Office.[20] |
1946 (January) | Advocacy | At a meeting, Mildred Bamford, secretary of the Fabian International Bureau, emphasizes the importance of European socialists understanding the Labour Government's intent to transform Britain into a socialist country through democratic socialism. The FIB expresses a preference for functional co-operation over a federal approach to Europe.[20] |
1946 (March) | Policy | The Fabian International Bureau forms a sub-committee to explore alternative approaches to European reconstruction, focusing on Anglo-Soviet cooperation, detailed economic arrangements, and compatibility with Commonwealth relations. The sub-committee's discussions reflect the Fabian Society's economic bias and the desire to maintain a broader European perspective.[20] |
1946 (April) | Publication | G.D.H. Cole publishes a pamphlet titled Labour’s Foreign Policy, advocating for Britain to lead a "Western Group" of nations characterized by realism, morality in international affairs, and democratic participation. Cole suggests that a federal government or European parliament is unnecessary, proposing instead close economic collaboration through treaties.[20] |
1946 (December) | Policy | Bosworth Monck and Anne Whyte present a paper to the Fabian International Bureau outlining the principles of a socialist foreign policy, emphasizing Britain's potential for independent action through political democracy and economic planning. A parallel paper by Rita Hinden, which stresses the moral basis of socialist foreign policy, is not discussed at the meeting.[20] |
1948 (January 22) | Advocacy | The Foreign Secretary gives a speech to the House of Commons, introducing the concept of a 'Western Union' (WU). This idea, although somewhat vague, is intended to promote cooperation among Western European nations. The speech provides the Fabian International Bureau (FIB) with new momentum in its pursuit of a socialist foreign policy. On March 4, in response to the Foreign Secretary's speech, the newly appointed secretary of the FIB, Whyte, issues a memorandum proposing the formation of a study group. The group's goal is to refine the WU concept and explore its potential implications, including its impact on Britain's standard of living and relations with its Dominions and Colonies. The study aims to lead to the publication of a Fabian pamphlet on the subject.[20] |
1948 (April 30 - May 2) | Conference | The FIB organizes a conference titled 'Western Union and European Recovery' at Beatrice Webb House, Pasture Wood. The conference brings together notable Fabian Society members and experts, including Allan Flanders, Denis Healey, David Worswick, and Rita Hinden. The discussions focus on the socialist approach to Western Union, the political and economic issues involved, and the implications for British imperial policy. The event highlights the Fabian Society's efforts to develop a coherent socialist foreign policy in the context of post-war Europe.[20] |
1948 (September) | Publication | R.W.G. Mackay, a prominent Fabian and federalist, publishes an article in the September edition of Fabian News advocating for the political union of Western European nations. He argues that a European Federation is urgently needed to prevent economic and political collapse in the region. Mackay's proposal sparks significant debate within the Fabian Society, highlighting differing opinions on the feasibility and desirability of political union.[20] |
1948 | Publication | William Warbey publishes Can Britain Recover? A Survey of Foreign Economic Policy, arguing for the formation of a "Regional Trade Club" encompassing Europe, the British Dominions, and overseas territories. Warbey's proposal reflects the Fabian Society's focus on economic integration and the potential surrender of national sovereignty in favor of cooperative economic policies.[20] |
1952 | Publication | The New Fabian Essays, edited by Anthony Crosland, are published, reinvigorating left-wing debate following the fall of the Attlee government. The collection features contributions from prominent Fabians such as Roy Jenkins, Ian Mikardo, Richard Crossman, and Denis Healey, each offering their perspectives on socialism and the future of the Labour movement. The essays play a crucial role in shaping post-war socialist thought, addressing the challenges of the time, and renewing the ideological direction of the Fabian Society. This publication helps to redefine the society's influence within the Labour Party and the broader political landscape of the UK.[29][3] |
1952 | Publication | Richard Crossman publishes Towards a Philosophy of Socialism as part of the New Fabian Essays collection. In this essay, Crossman critically examines the influence of Marxism on Fabianism, arguing that the Fabian Society should distance itself from Marxist doctrine. Instead, he emphasizes the importance of developing a socialist theory rooted in the principles and values of the British Labour Party. Crossman's critique calls for a distinctly British approach to socialism, one that would guide the Labour movement in a post-war context, ensuring that its policies and ideology are aligned with the practical realities and democratic traditions of the UK.[1] |
1960 | Organizational growth | The Young Fabian group is founded, becoming a significant networking and discussion organization for Labour Party activists under the age of 31. It would play a role in the 1994 election of Tony Blair as Labour Leader.[8] |
1960s | Theoretical development | Bernard Crick's political theory emerges, embodying the Fabian Society's emphasis on influencing public policy through a gradualist approach to social reform. Crick, a political theorist and Fabian member, advocates for practical and incremental changes rather than radical transformations. His work underscores the importance of democratic engagement and the role of political institutions in achieving social progress. Crick's theories reflect the Fabian belief in achieving socialism through pragmatic, evidence-based policymaking, focusing on the gradual improvement of society within the framework of existing democratic systems.[1] |
1979 | Crisis | The Fabian Society encounters significant challenges amidst Labour disputes. A pivotal moment unfolds when Shirley Williams, serving as the chair, joins the Social Democratic Party (SDP), triggering a crisis in the society's affiliation with the Labour party. Despite these setbacks, the society manages to recover and continues to play a vital role in facilitating debates within the Labour party, particularly in the aftermath of the electoral defeat in 1983.[9] |
1992 | Publication | The Fabian Society publishes Southern Discomfort, a pivotal study analyzing the attitudes and concerns of key swing voters in the South of England. The report reveals that these voters are crucial for the Labour Party to secure if it hopes to win future elections. The publication underscores the importance of understanding regional voter dynamics and helps shape Labour’s strategy to appeal to a broader electorate.[40] |
1997 | Membership expansion | When the Labour Party comes to office under Tony Blair, the Fabian Society evolves into a prominent forum for New Labour ideas. The society becomes a platform for discussing and developing the party's new policy directions and reformist approaches, reflecting the shift towards more centrist and market-oriented policies under the New Labour banner. Additionally, the Fabian Society provides a space for critical analysis and diverse perspectives within the party, fostering debate on the implementation and implications of New Labour’s agenda.[8] |
1997 | Influence | Following the 1997 general election, around 200 Fabian MPs are elected, including key members of Tony Blair’s cabinet, highlighting the Society's significant influence in the New Labour government.[3] |
2000 | Influence | The Fabian Society Tax Commission of 2000 plays a crucial role in influencing the Labour government's policy on a significant public tax increase, specifically the National Insurance rise to fund NHS spending. Recommendations, including a new top rate of income tax, impact economic policy discussions.[8] |
Early 21st century | Policy | The Fabian Society declares its objective to define and advance progressive politics from a left-of-centre perspective, continuing its role as a think tank for moderate socialists.[1] |
2004 | Membership expansion | The Fabian Society's annual report shows 5,810 individual members, with 1,010 belonging to the Young Fabians. The society maintains affiliations with various institutions, including Constituency Labour Parties, co-operative societies, trade unions, libraries, and corporations.[8] |
2005 | Organizational growth | The Scottish Young Fabians are reformed after a period of inactivity. This revitalization marks a renewed effort to engage younger members of the Scottish community with Fabian principles and socialist ideals. The reformation aims to reinvigorate the group’s activities, provide a platform for young socialists to discuss and promote their ideas, and strengthen the Fabian Society’s presence in Scotland. This revival is part of a broader effort to energize the society and its affiliated groups.[8] |
2008 (February 14) | Criticism | In an article published in The Guardian (following the apology offered by Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd to the "stolen generations"), Geoffrey Robertson criticizes Fabian socialists for providing the intellectual justification for the eugenics policy that led to the stolen generations scandal.[41][42] |
2009 | Criticism | British MP George Galloway, while speaking in the United States, criticizes the Fabian Society for its lack of support for the uprising of Easter 1916 in Dublin, where an Irish Republic was proclaimed. Galloway's remarks highlight the perceived failure of the Fabian Society to align with the nationalist and revolutionary aspirations of the Irish independence movement at that time. The criticism points to a broader debate about the society's historical positions on various political and social issues, particularly its response to significant events in Irish and global history.[43] |
2010 | Evolution | The Fabian Society enters a new era following the fall of the Labour government and the formation of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government. This political shift marks a significant change in the British political landscape, impacting the Fabian Society's role and focus. As the Labour Party, which has been the society's primary political ally, is no longer in power, the Fabians face new challenges and opportunities in advocating for their progressive policies.[9] |
2015 | Evolution | The role of the Fabian Society as a pluralist, non-factional forum within the Labour movement comes to the fore after the 2015 election and the election of Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader.[9] |
2016 | Membership expansion | As of date, the Fabian Society has approximately 7,000 members. This membership level indicates a strong and growing interest in the society's ideas and activities.[44] |
2018 | Recognition | The Fabian Society is recognized by Transparify as "broadly transparent" in its funding. Transparify is an organization that assesses the transparency of think tanks and advocacy groups regarding their financial sources and expenditures. This rating indicates that the Fabian Society demonstrates a significant level of openness about its financial operations.[45] |
2019 | Recognition | The Fabian Society receives an A grade for funding transparency from Who Funds You?, an organization that evaluates the financial openness of think tanks and non-profit organizations. This recognition highlights the Fabian Society's commitment to transparency and accountability in its financial practices. Such recognition is significant as it reinforces the Society's credibility and trustworthiness in the public eye, ensuring that its advocacy for social and economic reforms is supported by transparent and ethical funding.[46] |
2020 | Membership expansion | The Fabian Society’s membership increases to an all time high of over 8,000, including 16 members of the shadow cabinet, and the society goes as close to the heart of Labour policy thinking as at any time in its history.[9] |
2024 (May 23) | Advocacy | The Fabian Society's official page on “X” (formerly Twitter) posts a statement affirming their continued support for the Labour Party. The post, authored by General Secretary @andrew_harrop, reads: “A general election is on the way—and not a moment too soon. The Fabian Society will stand side by side with Labour.” This recent communication underscores the society's longstanding commitment to the Labour Party, reflecting its ongoing role in supporting and shaping the party’s electoral efforts more than a century after its foundation.[7] |
2024 | Influence | In the 2024 UK General Election, 141 members of the Fabian Society are elected to Parliament. This significant representation underscores the continued influence of Fabian principles within the Labour Party and the broader political landscape.[47] |
Visual data
Google Trends
The chart shows Google Trends data for Fabianism (Search term) from January 2004 to August 2024, when the screenshot was taken. Interest is also ranked by country and displayed on world map.[48]
Google Ngram Viewer
The chart below shows Google Ngram Viewer data for Fabianism. A spike of frequency can be seen around the early 1950s.[49]
Wikipedia Views
The chart below shows Wikipedia views data for the article Fabianism, from June 2015 to July 2024.[50]
Meta information on the timeline
How the timeline was built
Base literature
- The History of the Fabian Society, by Edward R. Pease.
The initial version of the timeline was written by Sebastian Sanchez.
Funding information for this timeline is available.
Feedback and comments
Feedback for the timeline can be provided at the following places:
- FIXME
What the timeline is still missing
Timeline update strategy
See also
External links
References
- ↑ 1.00 1.01 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.05 1.06 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.10 1.11 "Fabianism". britannica.com. Retrieved 5 August 2024.
- ↑ 2.00 2.01 2.02 2.03 2.04 2.05 2.06 2.07 2.08 2.09 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14 2.15 2.16 2.17 2.18 2.19 2.20 2.21 2.22 2.23 2.24 2.25 2.26 2.27 2.28 2.29 2.30 2.31 2.32 2.33 2.34 2.35 2.36 2.37 2.38 2.39 2.40 2.41 2.42 2.43 2.44 2.45 2.46 2.47 2.48 2.49 2.50 2.51 2.52 2.53 2.54 2.55 2.56 2.57 2.58 2.59 2.60 2.61 2.62 2.63 2.64 2.65 2.66 2.67 2.68 2.69 2.70 2.71 2.72 2.73 2.74 2.75 2.76 2.77 2.78 2.79 2.80 2.81 2.82 2.83 2.84 2.85 Pease, Edward R. (23 April 2019). The History of the Fabian Society. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-429-60317-4.
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 "Think tanks and the battle of ideas". theguardian.com. Retrieved 5 August 2024.
- ↑ 4.00 4.01 4.02 4.03 4.04 4.05 4.06 4.07 4.08 4.09 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 4.15 4.16 4.17 4.18 4.19 4.20 4.21 "The Fabian Society in Late Victorian Britain". victorianweb.org. Retrieved 1 October 2022.
- ↑ "John Stuart Mill and the Bentham Project" (PDF). ucl.ac.uk. Retrieved 5 August 2024.
- ↑ Briggs, Julia (23 September 2004). "Bland, Hubert (1855–1914), journalist and politician". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/47683.
- ↑ 7.00 7.01 7.02 7.03 7.04 7.05 7.06 7.07 7.08 7.09 7.10 Leah Locke (29 June 2024). "History of the Fabian Society: 1883-1915". ArcGIS StoryMaps. Retrieved 17 August 2024.
- ↑ 8.00 8.01 8.02 8.03 8.04 8.05 8.06 8.07 8.08 8.09 8.10 8.11 8.12 8.13 8.14 "Fabian Society - New World Encyclopedia". www.newworldencyclopedia.org. Retrieved 2 October 2022.
- ↑ 9.00 9.01 9.02 9.03 9.04 9.05 9.06 9.07 9.08 9.09 9.10 9.11 9.12 "Our History". Fabians. Retrieved 31 August 2022.
- ↑ 10.0 10.1 McBriar, Alan M. (1962). Fabian Socialism and English Politics, 1884–1918. Cambridge University Press.
- ↑ 11.0 11.1 Cole, Margaret (1961). The Story of Fabian Socialism. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-1163700105.
- ↑ Matthews, Race (1993). Australia's First Fabians: Middle-class Radicals, Labour Activists and the Early Labour Movement. Cambridge University Press.
- ↑ "Document" (PDF). UC Berkeley Previously Published Works. Retrieved 12 August 2024.
- ↑ "An Unsocial Socialist". robzangerrarebooks.com. Retrieved 23 September 2024.
- ↑ "Manifesto: Fabian Tracts 2". biblio.ie. Retrieved 23 September 2024.
- ↑ Hyndman, Henry Mayers (10 September 2010). "The Historical Basis Of Socialism In England". amazon.es. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
- ↑ 17.00 17.01 17.02 17.03 17.04 17.05 17.06 17.07 17.08 17.09 17.10 17.11 17.12 17.13 17.14 17.15 17.16 17.17 17.18 17.19 17.20 17.21 Peter Beilharz (2018). Labour's Utopias: Bolshevism, Fabianism, Social Democracy. Routledge. p. 182.
- ↑ 18.00 18.01 18.02 18.03 18.04 18.05 18.06 18.07 18.08 18.09 18.10 18.11 18.12 18.13 18.14 18.15 18.16 18.17 18.18 18.19 18.20 18.21 Bevir, Mark (1996). "Fabianism, Permeation and Independent Labour". Historical Journal. UC Berkeley. 39. Retrieved 11 August 2024.
- ↑ "Oliver, Tom". spartacus-educational.com. Retrieved 18 August 2024.
- ↑ 20.00 20.01 20.02 20.03 20.04 20.05 20.06 20.07 20.08 20.09 20.10 20.11 20.12 20.13 20.14 20.15 20.16 20.17 20.18 20.19 20.20 20.21 20.22 20.23 20.24 20.25 20.26 20.27 20.28 20.29 20.30 20.31 Mark Minion. "The Fabian Society and Europe during the 1940s: The search for a 'socialist foreign policy'" (PDF). Retrieved 5 August 2024.
- ↑ Ed. Shaw, George Bernard (1 January 1889). "Fabian Essays in Socialism". amazon.com. Walter Scott. Retrieved 7 March 2024.
- ↑ 22.0 22.1 22.2 22.3 22.4 22.5 22.6 "George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950) and the Fabian Society". oll.libertyfund.org. Retrieved 5 August 2024.
- ↑ "What the Farm Laborer Wants". books.google.com.ar. Retrieved 23 September 2024.
- ↑ "Archival Object". findingaids.lib.udel.edu. Retrieved 23 September 2024.
- ↑ Persky, Joseph (1 July 2016). "The Political Economy of Progress: John Stuart Mill and Modern Radicalism". doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190460631.003.0011.
- ↑ "Fabianism and the Empire A Manifesto by the Fabian Soci…". Goodreads. Retrieved 15 March 2024.
- ↑ "Fabianism and the Empire: A Manifesto by the Fabian Society". iberlibro.com. Retrieved 18 August 2024.
- ↑ "JSTOR Document". jstor.org. Retrieved 18 August 2024.
- ↑ 29.0 29.1 29.2 "The Fabian Society: a brief history". The Guardian. 13 August 2001. Retrieved 8 March 2024.
- ↑ "Conflict and Change in Northern Ireland" (PDF). EIU.edu. Retrieved 3 August 2024.
- ↑ Society, The Fabian; Shaw, Bernard (23 May 2010). "Fabianism And The Fiscal Question: An Alternative Policy". amazon.co. Kessinger Publishing. Retrieved 15 March 2024.
- ↑ Fabianism and the Fiscal Question. Google Books. Retrieved 17 August 2024.
- ↑ "History". web.archive.org. 7 December 2006. Retrieved 31 August 2022.
- ↑ "Blatchford's Merrie England". Journal of Radical Studies. Retrieved 17 August 2024.
- ↑ "Workingman's Bible: Robert Blatchford's Merrie England, Radical Literacy, and the Making of Debsian Socialism (1895–1900)". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. Retrieved 17 August 2024.
- ↑ "Robert Blatchford's Merrie England (1894)". Cooperative Individualism. Retrieved 17 August 2024.
- ↑ 37.0 37.1 37.2 Jousse, Emmanuel (2012). "The Assumptions about Reformism". cairn-int.info (in français). pp. 89–114. Retrieved 15 March 2024.
- ↑ Pease, Edward Reynolds (1916). "The History of the Fabian Society". books.google.com. Fifield. Retrieved 15 March 2024.
- ↑ "Collection: Papers of the Fabian Colonial Bureau | Bodleian Archives & Manuscripts". archives.bodleian.ox.ac.uk. Retrieved 31 August 2022.
- ↑ Radice, Giles; Pollard, Stephen (1993). More Southern Discomfort: A Year on -- Taxing and Spending. Fabian Society. ISBN 978-0-7163-0560-6.
- ↑ Geoffrey Robertson (13 February 2008). "We should say sorry, too". The Guardian. London.
- ↑ L.J. Ray (1983). "Eugenics, Mental Deficiency and Fabian Socialism between the Wars". Oxford Review of Education. 9 (3): 213–22. doi:10.1080/0305498830090305.
- ↑ pas1888 (29 December 2009). "George Galloway Easter Rising 1916" – via YouTube.
- ↑ Annual Report 2016 (PDF) (Report). Fabian Society. 2016. Retrieved 31 August 2022.
- ↑ "Round-Up of Transparify 2018 Ratings". Transparify. Retrieved 31 August 2022.
- ↑ "Fabian Society | Who Funds You?". whofundsyou.org. Retrieved 31 August 2022.
- ↑ Fabian Society. "Today we see 141 Fabians entering Parliament". LinkedIn. Retrieved 23 August 2024.
- ↑ "Google Trends: Fabianism". Google Trends. Retrieved 12 August 2024.
- ↑ "Google Books Ngram Viewer: Fabianism". Google Books. Retrieved 12 August 2024.
- ↑ "Wikipedia Page Views for Fabianism". Wikipedia Views. Retrieved 12 August 2024.